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^
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\Nt\..-
V , '1
HISTORY
OF
SCOTLAND.
HISTOR
OF
SCOTLAND.
By PATRICK ERASER TYTLER, Esq.
VOLUME IX.
y
EDINBURGH :
WILLIAM TAIT, 107. PRINCE'S STREET.
MDCCCXLIII,
TIIE NEW YOr.K
PUBLIC LIBRARY
TiLDLN i'\; : :,r)ATioxs
B 1049 L
(EDINBURGH:
Printed by Wjti iam T^it, Prince'i Street.
PREFACE.
The letters of Queen Elizabeth given in
the Appendix to this Volume, and now
printed for the first time, are taken from
originals written entirely in the Queen's own
hand, or from contemporary copies of such
originals. They were her private and confi-
dential letters ; a circumstance which renders
them highly valuable, both as throwing light
on the personal character and peculiarities
of this famou's Queen, and on the secret his-
tory of the times.
The letters of Elizabeth, which have
hitherto been given to the world, have been
almost exclusively letters of State, written
by Lord Burghley, or some other of her
Councillors, and signed by the Queen. It is
seafcely necessary to point out the difference
between the generality of these last, which
VI l^RErACfi.
are indeed public papers, and the ifidividu-
ality of the letters printed in this Volume,
which were strictly sealed, and meant only
for the eye of the Prince to whom they were
addressed.
Of these latter, some of the most curious are
preserved in the MS. Collections of the Right
Hon. Sir George Warrender, already alluded
to in the Preface to Volume Eighth of this
History ; and of which his liberality has, for
the last two years, permitted the Author the
fullest use.
Devonshire Place, )
December 4, 1843. j
CONTENTS
THE NINTH VOLUME.
CHAP. I.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1586-7—1689.
FAOG
ElixabeUi's conduct on tbe death of Maqr, • • • • • 1, 2
Her great injustice to Davison, 3
James reoeives the news of his Mother's death, ... 5
Letter of Walsiqgham to Chancellor Maitland, ... 7
The Borders break loose, 9
James' cautious policy, 11,12
Fall of the Master of Gray, 13
The King attains Majority, 14
Beoonciliation of the Nobility, 15
Intrigues of Huntly and the Catholics, 16
Difficnltiea of Eliiabeth, 17» 18
Lord Hunsdon Communicates with James, 20
James' proceedings against the Catholic Lords, .... 22
Destruction of the Spanish Armada, 23
James deceived by Elizabeth, ib.
Fowler s Character of James, 25
Huntly and Errol's intrigues with Rome, 27
Their letters intercepted, 28
James* rigorous proceedings against them, 29, 30
James* negotiations for his marriage with Anne of Denmark, 32
The Bride sails, but is driven bac]^ 34 .
The King embarks for Denmark, 36
Marriage, and return of the King, 37
Coronation Fetes, 39
VIH CONTENTS.
CHAP. II.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1590—1593.
1»A0S
State of the Kingdom, : ; ;: ... 41, 49
Choacellor Maitland and the Earl of Bothwell, .... 43
Maitland's plans for consolidating the King's power, • . 44
Comparative power of the Protestants and Catholics, . . 45
Reforms at Court, ....;.. 47
James' activity, 48
His embassy to the Princes of Germany, 49
Embajssy to Elizabeth, 50
She sends him the Carter by the Earl of Worcester, . . 51
Elizabeth's letter to James on the rise of the Puritans, . 53
Cordiality between Elizabeth and James, 55
Chancellor Maitland's letter to Bnrghley, 5S
James' activity against the Witches, 57
Bothwell accused of plots with the Wizard Graliam against
the King, 59
Bothwell imprisoned. He escapes, 60, 61
Disorganized state of the Kingdomi 63
Bothwell's attack on the Palace, 64
Murder of the " Bonny " Earlof Murray by Huntly , . . 66, 67
The Chancellor Maitland driven from Court, 70
James' difficulties, 71
He makes advances to the Kirk, ...•;...; 72
Presbytery established by Parliament, 73, 74
Intolerance of the Kirk, 75
Arrest of Mr George Ker, 76
Discovery of Spanish intrigues, 77
Intercepted letters of the Catholic Lords, 78, 79
Huntly and Errol imprisoned, 80
James' spirited conduct to Bowes, ib.
Elizabeth's letter to James, . 81
James' angry expostulation with Bowes, ...:.. 82
His activity against the Catholic Lords, 85
Mission of Lord Burgh to James, 86
James' leniency to the Catholic Lords, ...... 87
He gives audience to Lord Burgh, ; 88
CONTENtf?. IX
PAOB
The Ambassador's Intriguea with Bothwel), 89
Miserable state of the Kingdom, 91
The Kirk propose the entire extirpation of the Catholics, 92, 93
James' opposition ; deserted by the Kirk, 94
Impotence of the laws, 95, 96
Reappearance of Captain James Stewart, formerly. Earl of
Arran, 97
The King's vigorous conduct, 98
Parliament assembled ; Bothwell forfeited, 99
Proceedings suspended against Huntly, Errol, and Angus, 100
Indignation of the Ministers, 101
Bothwell seizes the Palace, and becomes master of the
Government, 102
J^mes' dissimulation, 104
^thwell and.Dr Toby Mathews, 105
Mathews letter to Burghley, 106,110
Bothwell's letter to Elizabeth, Ill
Bothwell's trial and acquittal, 113
James' unsuccessful attempt to escape, 114,115
He regains his Liberty, 117
CHAP. III.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1593—1594.
James* resolute conduct, 118
Elizabeth courts the Catholics, 119
Her duplicity, and letter to James, 121
Bothwell ordered to leave the kingdom, 122
Vigour and power of the King, and return of the Citancel-
lor Maitland, 123
James' wise measures, 125
Alarm of the Kirk, 127
Excommunication of the Catholic Lords, and Public Fast, 128, 1 29
The Catholic Lords supplicate to have their trial, ... 130
The Kirk insists on delay, 132
They summon the people to meet in arms at Perth, ... 133
Danger of a hostile collision, 135
James takes a middle conrse, «... 13B
His severe decree against the Catholics, 137
The Kirk complain of his leniency, 138, 189
Elizabeth's letter to James, 141
Lord Zouoh's (the English Ambassador) interview with
James, 144, 145
Lord Zouoh's conspiracies against James, 146
Birth of Prince Henry, 147
Zouch and Bothwell's plot discovered, 149
Defeated by the King, . . . . i 150
James' letter to Elizabeth, • » 151,154
James' embassies to foreign States, on the birth of his son, 155
His resolation to pursue the Catholic Lords, 156
Embassy of Sussex, and baptism of Prince Henry, ... ib.
Letter of Elizabeth to James, 157,15a
Letterof James to Elizabeth, 160,161:
Elizabeth discards Bothwell, 162
James preparations against the Catholics, .... 163,165
Argyll marches against Huntly, 166
Besieges Ruthven Castle, but repulsed, 167
Battle op Glbnlivat, 169, 172
The Eang attacks and entirely defeats Huntly, .... 174
Commits to the Duke of Lennox the temporary govern-
ment of the North • 175
CHAP. IV.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1594--1597.
The Queen breaks her promises to James, 177
His extreme rage and disappointment, 179
Emulation between the Chancellor Maitland and the Earl
of Mar, 180
Disagreement between the King and Queen, . . . .181, 182
Commotions in the North, 183, 185
Convention of the Nobles, 186
Miserable state to which Bothwell is reduced, .... 187
Spanish intrigues resumed, 188
Errol and Huntly leave Scotland, 190
PAGE
Jamee* jadicious measures, 191, 1H2
Slaughter of David Forrester, 193
James' rebuke of the Chancellor, 194
Bivalry of Maitland and Mar, 195
The King and Queen reconciled, 196,197
Slate of the Western Isles, 199
Elizabeth's negotiation with Maclean, 200
Power of Maclean, 201, 203
Letter of Maclean to Bowes, 205
Death of the Chancellor Maitland, 207
Fears of the Kirk, at the renewal of Spanish intrigues, . 209
Appointment of the Octavians, 211
Sir Robert Bowes sent by Elizabeth to Scotland, . . 212, 313
Bowes' interview with the Queen, 214
Bowes' negotiation with Maclean, 216
His observations on James' character, 217
Meeting of the Greneral Assembly, 218
Their satisfaction with James' proceedings, 219, 220
Seizure of Kinmont Willie, 222
Buccleugh carries him off from Carlisle Castle, . . . 224, 225
James commits Buccleugh to ward, 226
Huntly returns secretly to Scotland, 228
James anxious for his recantation and restoration to his
honours, 229
Extreme indignation of the Kirk, 230
They insist on violent measures, 231
Mr David Black's attack upon Queen Elizabeth, .... 232
Complaint of the English Ambassador, 233
Black's defence, 234, 235
James' interview with the Commissioners of the Kirk, . 238, 23J)
Black found guilty, and banished, 240
The Commissioners of the Kirk ordered to leave the city, 242
The King's declaration, ib.
Twenty-four citizens banished the capital, 244
Qreat tumult in the city, 246, 247
The King leaves his capital and retires to Linlithgow, . 248
The Kirk write to Lord Hamilton, . ' 249
Mr John Welsh's seditious sermon, 250
Lord Hamilton refuses the offers of the Kirk, and gives
their letter to the King, 252
XU CONTENTS.
PAGE
Vigorous proceedings of the King, ; 253
His return to Edinburgh, and Bubmiesion of the citizens, 254
James resolves on the establishment of Episcopacy, . ; . 255
His " Queries" directed to the Kirk, 256, 257
Answers of the Kirk, ; . . . 259
Meeting of the General Assembly, ..;...;. 260
Success of the King, 262
Plot of Barcky of Ladyland to seize '' Ailsa," .... 264
Huntly s recantation, and reconciliation to tlie Kirk, . . 265
Visitation of St Andrews, and removal of Andrew Melvi], 267
Petition by the Kirk to have a voice in Parliament, . . 269
Meeting of the General Assembly, 270
Angry debates, - . . . . 271
Agreed that the ministers shall have a voice in Par-
liament, . : 272
Final establishment of Episcopacy in 1600, .... 272, 273
CHAP. V.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1597-98—1600.
State of the country, 274
Death of Sir Robert Bowes, 276
Mission of Sir William Bowes to Scotland, 277
James' anxiety on the subject of his title to the Crown of
England, ib.
Affair of Valentine Thomas, 279
James* complaint against Spenser's " Fairy Queen," . . 280
Increase of Witches, and imposture of Aitkeu discovered, 281
Proposals of Donald Gomi to Queen Elizabeth, .... 283
Maclean slain by Sir James Macdonald, 285
James' schemes for the Civilisation of the Isles, .... 287
The Lewis and Skye let to a Company of Lowland Barons, 288
Their disasters and failure, ib.
The Magistrates of Edinburgh's spirited resistance to the
Crown, ; . 289
Contest between the King and the Supreme Court, . . 290
Death of Lord Burghley, 291
CONTENTS, Xlll
PAGE
n
6ir Roberi Cecil manages the Scottish Affairs, . . • . 20!
His alarms for James' orthodoxy, . 298
James* fiDancial embarrassments, ......... 294
Mission of Sir William Bowes, ......... 295
?' Basilicou Doron," ib.
Andrew Melvil attacks it, 296
Publication of the King s book, 297
A General Fast, . 298
Sir Edmund Ashfield kidnapped, 299
James* indignation, 300
Arrival of a French Ambassador, 301
Alarm of the Kirk at the arrival of '' English Flayers," 302, 303
General ^' Band" on the Succession, 303
James' harangue on the same subject, 304
Hb Scheme of Taxation defeated, 305
Spirited resistance of the Burghs, ib.
Fiist day of the year altered from 25tli March to 1st Jan., 306
CHAP. VI.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1600.
The Gowrie Conspiracy, 307
F^rly Life of the young Earl of Gowrie, 308, 309
Education at Padua, 310
His stay at Paris, 311
Ilis reception at the English Court, 311,312
Coldness between Elizabeth and James, 313,315
Bothwell reported to be in Scotland, 316
lleflections on the state of parties, • .317
Gowrie's return to Scotland, 318
Anecdotes, • 319, 320
He retires from Court, 321
Convention of Estates, and debates, 323
Gowrie opposes the King, 325
James' rage at Gowrie and the Burghs, 326
Remarks, 327, 328
Gowrie's Plot and Accomplices, •.....,,. 329
XIV CONTENTS.
PA6B
He studies Machiavel, ^^
Logan of Restalrig and Laird Bower, 331
The Master of Ruthven, 332
Gowrio House and FastcafiUe, 333
Letter of Logan to the unknown Conspirator, 18th July, 334, 336
Logan to Laird Bower, i^«
Logan to the unknown Conspirator, 27th July, .... 337
Logan to Gowrie, July 29, 338, 341
Logan to the unknown Conspirator, 341,343
Summary of the Letters, 344, 345
Progress of the Plot, 346,348
The King arrives at Gowrie House, 349
Progress of the Plot, 350,351
James follows the Master of Ruthven to the private room, 352
The struggle between them, ib.
The Catastrophe : Death of the Master and Gowrie, 355, 357
Popular tumult, 358
James returns to Falkland, 359
Rejoicings when be returns to Edinburgh, 359, 360
CHAP. VIL
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1600—1603.
Scepticism of the Kirk on the Gowrie Conspiracy, ... 361
James' impatience and impolitic conduct, 362
Severe proceedings against the House of Ruthven, . . . 363
Elizabeth's Letter to James, 365, 366
Ashfield's directions to James as to the '^ Succession," . . 367
Differences between the King and his Queen, .... 368
Birth of a Prince, afterwards Charles the First, .... 369
Friendly Letter of Elizabeth to James, 370
James interests himself for the Earl of Essex, 371
Embassy of the Earl of Mar and the Abbot of Kinloss to
Elizabeth, 372, 373
Elizabeth's cold reception of them, 375
James' secret instructions to the Ambassadors, . . .376, 377
The Ambassadors gain Secretary Cecil, 379
CONTENTS. XV
PAGE
Elkabeth's letter to James, " 381
Last Parliament of Elizabeth, . 382, 383
The Queen aboliBhes Monopolies, 384
Mission of the Duke of Lennox to Elizabeth, .... 384, 385
The Duke 8 secret negotiations in England, 386
Cecil and Howard's secret Correspondence with James, 386, 387
James* wise and spirited conduct, 389
His difficulties in conciliating the Catholics, .... 390, 391
Former mission of Pourie Ogilvj, 392
James' alleged letter to the Pope, 393
Difficulty in discovering the truth as to these intrigues, 394, 395
AU parties jGavour his title, 395
Reconciliations and stanching of Feuds amongst the Scot-
tish nobles, ib.
Elizabeth's lost letter to James, 397
Elizabeth's last illness, 400
Her death : James proclaimed her successor, v . • . 405
Sir Robert Carey's journey to Scotland, 406
James sets out for England, 408
His triumphant Progress, 409
He enters London, and takes possession of the English
Throne, 410
Conclusion OF THE History, 411
XVI CONTENTS.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
UNPRINTED MANUSCRIPTS
PAGE
I. Huntlj's Rebellion, with Errol, Angus, and Both-
well, 415
II. Queen Elizabeth to King James, 29th May, 1590, 417
IH. Queen Elizabeth to Heniy the Fourth, 27th July,
1591, 419
IV. Queen Elizabeth to the King of Soots, 12th Au-
gust, 1591, 420
V. Elizabeth to Henry the Fourth, 9th November,
1591, 421
VI. Elizabeth to James, 25th November, 1591, . . 422
VIL Queen Elizabeth to James, 4th December, 1592, 423
VIIL The Present State of the Nobility in Scotland, Ist
July, 1592, 425
IX. Elizabeth to Jaines, June 1594, 432
X. Elizabeth to Jamcjj, 1593, 433
XI. Kinmont Willie, 435
XIL Elizabeth to James, April 1596, 437
XIII. After Kinmont Will's rescue and deliverance by
Buccleugh, 1596, 439
XIV. Elizabeth to Janies, 1st July, 1598. On the sub-
ject of Valentine Tliomas, 440
XV. James to Elizabeth, 10th February, 1601, ... 441
XVI. Elizabeth to James, May 1601, 442
XVII. Elizabeth to James, 2d December, 1601, ... 443
XVIII. Eliziibeth to James, 4th July, 1602, 444
HISTORY
SCOTLAND.
CHAP. L
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1586-7—1589.
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.
FttgUtnd, \ frtmee, I Otrmtmif, I Spaifu | Porh*oifL | Pope,
HeDrylll. 1 Ruddph U. PhUipII. PhttipII. SixtusY.
The condact of Elizabeth on the death of the Queen
of Scots was marked by much dissimulation and
injustice. After having signed the warrant for her
execution, commanded it to' be carried to the Seals,
and positively interdicted Davison, to whom she
delivered it, from any further communication with
her till it was obeyed, she suddenly turned fiercely
round upon him and her Council, and cast on them
the whole guilt of Mary's blood. In a moment she
denied, or pretended to forget, everything which she
had done. She had declared to Sir Robert Melvil,
that she would not spare his royal mistress' life
for one hour; now she swore vehemently that she
never intended to take it. She had assured Davison,
VOL. IX. B
2 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1586-7.
with a great oatli^ that she meant the execution to
go forward ; now she loudly protested that she had
commanded him to keep the warrant till he received
further orders. She had laboured anxiously with
Paulet to have Mary secretly made away with ; and
now she did not scruple to call God to witness, under
awful obtestations, that her determined resolution
had been all along to save her life.^ And her sub-
sequent conduct was perfectly in character with all
this. On the day after the execution, Lord Shrews-
bury wrote from Fotheringay to the Court, which
was then at Greenwich. Next morning, at nine, his
letters were brought to the palace by his son Henry
Talbot, and the news became public. Soon after,
the bells of the city, and the blazing of bonfires,
proclaimed the happiness of the people.^ It was
impossible that these demonstrations should have
escaped the notice of Elizabeth ; and we know from
Davison, every word of whose "Apology" carries
truth and conviction with it, that the Queen that
same night was made aware of Mary's execution;'
but she took no notice, and kept an obstinate silence.
Apparently none of her ministers dared to allude to
the event ; and when after four days the news was
at last forced upon her, she broke into a hypocritical
* Supra, Vol. VIII. p. 383. Life of Thomas Egerton, Lord
Chancellor, p. 1 1 9. Chaateauneuf to Henry III., 28th Febrnaiy,
1587. Also, MS. Minutes of Carey's Message. Warrender MSS.
^ Life of Egerton, pp. 117, 119. Letter of Chasteannenf to
Henry HI., 28th February, 1587. It ought to be remembeied
that Chasteauneuf uses the new stylo.
3 Sir Hfl,rris Nicolas' Life of Davison, p. 268.
1586-7. JAMES VI. 3
passion of astonishment, tears, and indignation. She
upbraided her councillors with having purposely
deceived her,^ chased Burghley from her presence,
and committed Secretary Davison to the Tower. It
wajs in vain that this upright and able, but most
unfortunate of men pleaded, with all the energy of
truth, the commands of his Sovereign for everything
that he had done. She knew he had no witnesses of
their conversation ; charged him with falsehood and
disobedience; compelled Burghley, who must have
been well assured of his innocence, to draw up a
severe memorial against him ; had him tried before
the Star Chamber ; degraded him from his office of
Secretary; inflicted on him a fine which amounted to
absolute ruin; and never afterwards admitted him to
the least enjoyment of her favour.*
All this was in keeping with the subtlety and
disregard of truth which sometimes marked Eliza-
beth's proceedings, when she had any great object to
gain. It was part of a premeditated plan by which
she hoped to mislead Europe, and convince its States
that she was really guiltless of Mary's blood : but
ultimately it had no effect on the Continent ; and it
was too palpably fictitious to be successful for a
moment in Scotland, where the facts were well
known. In that country, the news of Mary's exe-
cution was received with a universal burst of indigna-
1 Wright, Life and Times of Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 332. Hey
to Leicester, Sunday, 1 586. This Sunday was the 1 2th ¥t^. u&ry.
' Nicolas' Life of Davison, pp. 82, 83 ; and Appendix, pp. 235,
236, 260, 263.
4 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1586-7.
tion, and open threats of revenge. But the English
wardens, Lord Scrope and Sir John Foster, were
provided against immediate attack; and the season of
the year, which was seed-time, rendered it difficult
for the Scots to assemble in any force.^
It was Mr Roger Ashton, a gentleman of James*
bed-chamber, whom he had sent to London some
time before this, that brought the King the first
certain intelligence of his mother's death. Ashton
arrived in Edinburgh about the seventh day after the
execution ; and Lord Scrope, who had despatched a spy
to watch James' motions, wrote in alarm to Walsing-
ham, that the monarch vms grievously offended, and
had sworn that so foul an act of tyranny and injustice
should not pass unrevenged.^ The feelings, however,
of this Prince were neither deep nor lasting. Even
at this sad moment, selfishness and the assurance of
undivided sovereignty neutralized his resentment;
and he suffered some expressions of satisfaction to
escape him, which his chief minister, Secretary
M aitland, did not choose should reach any but the
most confidential ears.^ Meantime, as Ashton's
information was s^ret, James took no public notice
of it, but sent in haste for Lord Maxwell, Ker of
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Sir John Foster to Walsing-
ham, 26th February, 158G-7. Afco MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C.,
Scrope to WaLsingham, 14th February, 1586-7.
- Lord Scrope to Walsingham. Q>ueen Elizabeth and her Times,
vol. ii. p. 333, 2l8t February, 1586-7. Also St. P. Off. B.C.,
Sir H. Woddrington to Walaingham , 25th February, 1586-7.
* MS. Calderwood. Brit Mus., JVyscough, 4738, fol. 974.
1586-7. JAMES VI. 5
Ancrum, and young Fernyhirst.^ These were reck-
oned amongst his most warlike Border leaders ; and
whilst the country rang with threats of revenge, the
King shut himself up in his palace, and held confer-
ence with them and his most confidential nobles.
Amid these consultations, Mr Robert Carey was
despatched by the English Queen to convey her
apolo^ to Scotland. This young courtier was the
son of Lord Hunsdon, Elizabeth's cousin-german, and
she selected him as a personal fiivourite of the Scot-
tish King. He carried with him a letter written in
her own hand, in which she expressed the excessive
grief which overwhelmed her mind, in consequence of
what she termed, " the miserable accident which had
befallen, far contrary to her meaning;"^ and he was
instructed to throw the entire blame of the tragedy at
Fotheringay upon Davison and her Council. On
arriving at Berwick, Carey forwarded a letter request-
ing an audience ; but this the King declined to grant
till the Envoy had stated, on his honour, whether his
mother, the Queen of Scots, was dead or alive ; and
when it was answered that she was executed, James
peremptorily refused to see the ambassador, and com-
manded him to proceed no farther into Scotland. He
added, however, that he would send some members
of his Council to Berwick, to whom the letter and
message of the English Queen might be delivered.
' LordScropetoWalsingbani, 21st February, 158G-7. Wright's
Elizabetli, vol. ii. p. 333.
* MS. Letter, St P. Off. B.C., Woddrington to Walsingliam,
25th February, 158G-7. Also Warrender MS. Vol. A, p. 240,
MS. Letter. Elizabeth to James.
G HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1586-7.
On any other occasion the wrath of Elizabeth
would have blazed high and fierce at such an indig-
nity ; but at this moment she was placed in circum-
stances which compelled her to digest the affront ;
and Carey communicated her false and ungenerous
version of the story of Mary's death to Sir Robert
Melvil and the Laird of Cowdenknowes, who met him
for this purpose at Berwick.^ All this failed, as
may readily be believed, to convince James, or appease
the general indignation of the people. By this time
the execution of the Scottish Queen, with its affect-
ing details, was known throughout the country; and
whatever may have been the King's secret resolutions
upon the subject, he felt that it would be almost
impossible to resist the deep and increasing current
of popular fury which was sweeping on to its revenge.
Many symptoms daily occurred to show this:
Already the Scottish Border chiefs had so strictly
waylaid every road and pass, that not a letter or
scrap of intelligence could be conveyed to the Eng-
lish Court: three Scottish scouts, with troopers
trained to the duty, and armed to the teeth, were
stationed at Linton Bridge, Coldingham Moor, and
beyond Haddington, who watched day and night,
and pounced on every packet. The system of secret
intelligence was at a stand ; Walsingham pined for
news, and complained that his "little blue-cap lads,"
who used to bring him word of all occurrences, were
1 Wajrrender MSS. Vol. A, p. 241. Mr Careys Credit. MS.
Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Woddriugton to "Walsingham, lOth
March, 158(5-7.
158G-7. JAMES VI. 7
110 more the men he had known them. Although the
season of the year was unfavourable, the Borders
were already stirring; some minor Scottish forays
took place ; and Both well, whose power was almost
kingly on the marches, intimated unequivocally, that
he only delayed his blow that it might fall the more
heavily. He refused to put on mourning, striking
his mailed glove on his breast, and declaring that the
best '' dule weed" for such a time, was a steel coat.
Nor did he stand alone in these sentiments. Lord
Claud Hamilton, ajid his brother, Arbroath, offered,
on the moment, to raise three thousand men, and
carry fire and sword to the gates of Newcastle;
whilst Buccleugh, Cessford, and Femyhirst, wefe
only restrained from an outbreak by the positive in-
junctions of the King, and stood full armed, and fiery-
eyed, straining like blood-hounds in the slip, ready to
be let loose on a moment's warning against England.
The first circumstance which offered any percep-
tible check ta these dread appearances, wjis the
arrival of an able letter addressed by Walsingham
to Sir John Maitland of Thirlestane, the Scottish
Secretary of State, which was evidently meant for the
King's eye. Thirlestane, originally bred to the law,
was then high in his master's favour, and had risen by
his talents as a statesman to be his most confidential
minister. He was the son of Sir Richard Maitland,
and younger brother of the Secretary Lethingtou ;
and although his powers were less brilliant and com-
manding than those wielded by that extraordinary
man, his good sense, indefatigable application to
8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1586-7.
business, and personal intrepidity, made him a valu-
able servant to his Sovereign, and a formidable anta-
gonist to the higher nobility, v^ho envied and disliked
him. To him, therefore, Walsingham wisely ad-
dressed this letter, or rather memorial, in which he
argued the question of peace or war, and pointed out
the extreme folly and impolicy of those Councils
which, at such a moment, urged the young King to
a rupture with England. His reasons were well
calculated to make an impression upon James.^
Adverting to the injustice of the quarrel, he described,
with great force of argument, the effects that a war
with England must inevitably produce on his title to
the succession after the Queen's death, and the cer-
tain alienation of the whole body of the English
nobility and people from a Prince who first revived
the ancient and almost forgotten enmity between
the two nations, and then hoped to be welcomed as
the successor of so great and popular a Princess as
Elizabeth. As for Spain and France, on whose
assistance it was reported he chiefly depended, could
he for a moment imagine that Spain would prove
true to him? — a country which hated him for his re-
ligion ; or France, whose policy was to counteract,
by every possible method, an event which must be
so fatal to her power as the imion, whether by con-
quest or otherwise, of the Crowns of England and
Scotland ? Could he believe that the French mon-
arch would assist him to a conquest which, if com-
^ His letter, which is very long, is printed entire by Spottis-
wood, pp. 359, 3C0, 361, 3G2.
1587. JAMES VI. 9
pleted, must threaten his own crown ? Had he for-
gotten that the monarchs of England still insisted on
their right to the throne of France ? Besides, could
it be credited for an instant, that the King of that
country would ever cordially unite his interests with
a monarch so nearly allied as James to the family
of Guise — a house which Henry hated in his heart,
and which he suspected to aim at his deposition ?
There can be no doubt, that these arguments of
so far-sighted a statesman as Walsingham, were not
thrown away eventually upon James; but at the
moment the impression wa^ scarcely perceptible, and
for some time everything portended war.
The Scottish Borders, which during the winter and
spring had been kept in tolerable quietness, broke
into open hostility as the summer advanced. Six
successive Scottish forays swept with relentless
havoc through the Middle Marches; and Sir Cuthbert
Collingwood, who commanded in those parts, found
himself too weak to restrain the incursions of the
fierce marauders of Cessford, Femyhirst, Bothwell,
and Angus. In a piteous letter to Walsingham, he
described the country as having been reduced to a
desert — ^wasted with fire and sword, and filled with
lamentation and dismay;^ and he remonstrated with
the Scottish wardens in strong terms. But so little
impression did Collingwood's complaints make on the
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Collingwood to Walsingham,
12th July, 1587. Ibid. B.C., Some to same, 21st May, 1587.
Ibid. B.C., Same to same, with Enclosure, 23d June, 1587; and
Ibid., Same to same, 2dd August, 1587.
10 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1587.
Scottish government, and so inadequate was the assis-
tance sent him by his own, that Buccleugh, Cessford,
and Johnston, with a force of two thousand men, at-
tacked him in his castle at Eslington, slew seventeen
of his garrison, took one of his sons prisoner, severely
wounded another, and but for the fleetness of his
horse had made captive the Warden himself.
It seems difficult to reconcile these flagrant out-
rages, which continued more or less throughout the
year 1587, though unnoticed by our general historians,
with James' warm coalition with Elizabeth in 1588.
The probable explanation may be, that the young
King of Scots, without serious intentions of war, was
not displeased that Elizabeth should have a little
temporary experience of his power of disturbing her ;
that he was not annoyed by such excesses; and even,
as Foster asserted and Burghley suspected, secretly
encouraged them.^ He knew that Elizabeth was
anxious to conciliate him, and had determined, at all
hazards, to purchase peace with Scotland ; and he,
on his side, had resolved that he would not sell it
too cheap. He was well aware of the embarrass-
ments with which the English Queen was now sur-
roimded. The mighty preparations of Spain against
England were no secret. The rebellion of Tyrone in
Ireland was at its height. In Scotland the Catholic
lords, Huntly, Errol, Angus, Maxwell, and their ad-
herents were powerful, warlike, and stirring, animated
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Robert Carvyle to Walsingham,
4th December, 1587. Also, MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Burghley
to Fowler, 17th April, 1588.
1587. JAMES VI. 11
with the bitterest animosity against Elizabeth, whom
they detested as the murderess of their Queen and
the implacable enemy of their religion. Another
thorn in the side of England was the constant friendly
intercourse between the Irish insurgents and the
Scottish Isles. From these nurseries of warlike sea-
men and soldiers, strong reinforcements had already
joined Tyrone; and the chiefs, who were as fierce
and potent as so many little sea kings, drove a lucra-
tive trade by serving him against England at a high
price. This was another weapon in the hand of
James. By means of his lieutenants, Huntly and
Argyle, to whom the administration of the northern
parts of his dominions was entrusted, he could let
loose the Islesmen against Elizabeth, or detain them
at home as suited his policy; and that Queen re-
peatedly requested him to exert this influence in her
favour. To do this, however, w ith greater profit to
himself, the King was not unwilling she should feel
his power; and, with this view, he shut his eyes
to the Border inroads, delayed remonstrating with
Huntly on his intrigues with Spain, refused to appre-
hend the Jesuits who were lurking in his dominions,
and gave himself no trouble to check the rising ani-
mosity against England. Yet in his heart he had no
inclination for war. He felt the truth of Walsing-
ham's argument, that any prolonged struggle at this
moment with England would be fatal to his hopes of
succession; and he flattered himself that he had the
reins over the Catholic lords and the Spanish in-
triguers so completely in his hands, that he could
/
12 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1587.
command peace with England at whatever moment
the Queen chose to have his amity on his own
tenns. In such a hope it turned out that he was de-
ceived. The Catholic party, supported by the money
of Spain, commanding nearly all the northern coun-
ties; and having with them the sympathies of the
people, who were enraged at the execution of Mary,
gained in a short time a strength on which he had
not calculated, and, far from being bridled, for some
time dict^-ted terms to him. But it is time to return
!m1this digression to the course of events in Scot-
land.
The King, who was now on the eve of his majority,
assembled a Convention of his nobility at Edinburgh,
and determined to despatch ambassadors to the courts
of France and Denmark.^ To Henry the Third he
proposed a renewal of the ancient league between the
two kingdoms ; whilst to the Danish monarch he made
overtures of a matrimonial alliance." But Henry,
who was at this moment disposed to be on favourable
terms with England, treated James' advances coldly;
and although the Danish alliance eventually took
place, its first suggestion does not appear to have
been very cordially welcomed.^
The same Convention was signalized by an event
^ Moyse's Memoirs. Bannat. ed., p. 64.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Carvyle to Walsingbam, 3d
Jane, 1587.
5 MS. Letter, St !P. Off., A. B. to Walsinghani, 19tli August,
1587. Also, Car to Walsingbam, B.C., St. P. Off., lltb Sept.,
1587. Moyse's Memoirs, p. G5,
1587. JAMES VL 13
which brought a merited punishment on one of the
basest of men. This was the fall of the Master of
Gray, who was tried for high treason, condemned,
and on the point of being executed, when his life was
spared, and the sentence changed to banishment, at
the intercession of the Earl of Huntly and Lord
Hamilton. His accuser was Sir William Stewart,
now about to proceed on the French embassy ; and
in his dittay or indictment, which has been preserved,
were contained various points of treason.^ But his
most flagrai^t offence, which was completely proved,
was the base betrayal of his trust in his recent nego-
tiation in England, where he secretly recommended
the death, instead of pleading for the life, of the
Scottish Queen. At first, with his wonted effrontery,
he attempted to brazen out the matter and overawe
his enemies ; but in the end he pleaded guilty ; and,
as abject as he had been insolent, threw himself on
the King's mercy. None lamented his disgrace ; for,
although still young in years, Gray was old in false-
hood and crime. Brilliant, fascinating, highly edu-
cated, and universally reputed the handsomest man
of his time, he had used all these advantages for the
most profligate ends ; and his life, which to the sur-
prise of many was now spared, had been little else
than a tissue of treachery. He retired to France ;
and although, after some years, he was again permitted
* Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. part iii. p. 157. Historie of
James the Sext, p. 227. Spottiswood, p. 363.
14 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1587-
to return to Scotland, he never recovered the com-
manding station from which he fell.^
James had now attained majority, and important
subjects began to occupy his mind. Amid much that
wasfrivolous and volatile, this young Prince sometimes
evinced a sagacity in detecting abuses, and a vigour
in devising plans for the amelioration of his kingdom,
which surprised even those who knew him best. To
reconcile his nobility, and extinguish those fierce and
sanguinary family feuds which so frequently defied
the laws and tore the kingdom in pieces, — ^to arrange
the affairs of the Kirk, provide for its ministers, and
establish a certain form of ecclesiastical polity, — ^to
escape from the pressure of an enormous debt by
recovering the crown lands, which had been greatly
dilapidated during his minority, — and to take some
decisive steps on the subject of his marriage ; these
were the chief points which now pressed themselves
upon his attention, and to which he directed the la-
bours of his principal minister, the Secretary Maitland.
But difficulties encountered him at every step. Out-
wardly, indeed, the King's desire for a reconciliation
amongst the nobles was accomplished ; and, at the
conclusion of the Parliament held in the capital,' the
principal street exhibited a singular spectacle. A
table was spread at the Cross, where a banquet was
prepared by the magistrates; and a long line of nobles,
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Woddrington to Walsingham,
29th April, 1 587. Ibid., Carvyle to Walsingham, 1 2th May, 1 587.
^ Ilistorie of James the Sext, p. 229.
1587. JAMES VI. 15
who had been previously reconciled and feasted by
the King in the palace at Holyrood, was seen to
emerge from its massive gateway, and walk in peace-
ful procession up the principal street of the city.
Bothwell and Angus, Hume and Fleming, Glammis
and Crawford, with many other fierce opponents who
had been compelled by their sovereign's threats or
entreaties to an xmwilling embrace, marched hand in
hand to take their seats at the board of concord,
where they drank to each other amid the thunder of
the castle guns, and the songs and shouts of the
citizens. It was an imposing ceremony, but really
an idle and hollow farce. The deep wounds of feudal
hatred, and the sacred duty of feudal revenge, were
not so easily cured or forgotten ; and many of the
hands now locked in each other were quivering with
a desire to find occupation rather in grappling the
throat than pledging the health of their brother.
Before the year concluded, all accordingly was nearly
as bad as before.
There was one point, however, on which all seemed
agreed — a desire to attack England and avenge the
death of Mary. So deep was this feeling, that
Thirlestane, now raised to the high office of Chancel-
lor, in closing the Parliament, made a stirring appeal
to the assembled Estates ; and such was the impres-
sion of his eloquence, that the nobles, in a transport
of pity and enthusiasm, threw themselves upon their
knees before the King, and, amid the clang of their
weapons and imprecations against Elizabeth, took a
IG HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1587.
VOW that they would hazard their lives and fortunes
in the quarrel.^
These indications encouraged Huntly and the
potent faction of the Catholic lords to a renewal, or
rather more active continuance, of their intrigues with
Spain and the Low Countries. Messengers were
despatched thither, (not without the connivance of
James,) who held out hopes to Philip of Scottish
assistance in his great enterprise against England.^
Various Jesuits and seminary priests in disguise (of
whom Gordon and Dury were the most active) glided
through Northumberland into Scotland, proceeded to
the late convention at Edinburgh, and from thence
to Aberdeen, where they continued their efforts, in
conjunction with their foreign brethren, for the re-
establishment of the Catholic faith and the dethrone-
ment of Elizabeth.' Apparently, all this was encou-
raged by the Scottish King. It is, indeed, sometimes
exceedingly difficult to get at the real sentiments of a
prince who prided himself upon his dissimulation:
but, either from policy or necessity, he was soon so
utterly estranged from England, and so completely
surrounded by the Spanish faction, that Elizabeth
began to be in serious alarm.*
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Carvyle to WaJsingbam, 3d
August, 1587.
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B C, Car to Walsingham, 1 1th Sept.,
1 587. Also, Ibid. B.C., Woddrington to Walsingham, 29th April,
1587.
3 MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., CoUingwood to Walsingham,
21st May, 1587.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Lord Ilunsdon to Burghley,
14th Nov. 1587.
1587- jAiMEs VI. 17
That great Princess was at this moment surrounded
by dangers of no ordinary magnitude. Philip the
Second of Spain was collecting against her that
mighty armament, which was idly deemed to be in-
vincible. The ports of Spain and Flanders rang with
the din of arms and the bustle and confusion of
military preparation. The Queen had been per-
suaded by Burghley and her chief councillors, that
the execution of the Queen of Scots would prove a
death-blow to the Catholic party, extricate her from
all her difficulties, and confer upon her life and crown
a security to which she had for many years been a
stranger. But she was miserably disappointed. The
accounts of the death of Mary were received by the
whole of Christendom withoneuniversalburstof aston-
ishment and indignation. No sovereign had enforced
more rigidly than Elizabeth the dogma of the inviola-
bility and divine right of Princes, and their responsi-
bility to God alone. The doctrine was generally re-
ceived and acted upon by her royal allies; and they now
arraigned her as an apostate from her own principles,
and an open despiser of all that waB holy, just, and
true, Mary's servants and household were many of
them foreigners ; and, returning to their homes, spread
over the Continent the touching story of her death.
The hypocritical pretences of the Queen of England,
by which she had endeavoured to shield herself from
the odium of the execution, were generally discredited.
It was said, that for the gratification of her own
private revenge she had not scrupled to stain her
hands with the blood of an innocent Queen ; and that,
VOL IX. c
18 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1587-8.
to escape the infamy of the fact, she had meanly and
falsely thrown the blame upon an innocent councillor.
The press teemed throughout Catholic Europe with
innumerable publications. Histories, poems, pamph-
lets, and funeral orations, were circulated in every
quarter on the alleged martyrdom of the Scottish
Queen, and the execrable guilt of her by whom she had
been murdered. The whole course of Elizabeth's
public and private life was dissected, attacked, and
exaggerated ; and she was held up to the detestation
of the world as the true daughter and inheritrix of
all the wickedness, cruelty, irreligion, tyranny, and
lust of her father, Henry the Eighth. The effect of
all this, and the impression it made upon the Catholic
mind throughout Christendom, was great ; and when
Philip began his mighty preparations against Eng-
land, the projected invasion of that country partook
of something like the sanctity of a crusade.
Surrounded by such complicated difficulties, it
was not without alarm that Elizabeth heard of the
estrangement of the Scottish King, and the bold
proceedings of her enemies the Catholic lords. Con*
fident of the assistance of Spain, with whose vast
preparations they were well acquainted, they hoped
to revolutionize Scotland, get possession of the
King's person, destroy his Protestant advisers, and
reestablish the Catholic religion.^ It was one prin-
cipal branch of their plan to produce a diversion
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., ijlil to Waleingham, let January,
1587-8.
1587-8. JAMES VI. 19
against England in Ireland and the Western Isles,
which should take place at the moment of the inva-
sion by the Armada. For the accomplishment of
these great designs. Lord Maxwell, a leading and
powerful Catholic lord, was on the Continent in com-
munication with Spain and Rome; Archibald Douglas
was suspected to be seconding their efforts in England,
and the disgraced Master of Gray in France ; whilst
Sir William Stewart, the brother of the once-powerful
Arran, was busy at the head-quarters of the Prince
of Parma.^ In Scotland, Huntly, the great leader
of the Catholic lords, with Lord Claud Hamilton,
Mar, Angus, and Bothwell, were prepared, on the
briefest warning, to assemble a force which the
King, in his present circumstances of poverty and
desertion, could not control. As was usual in
Scotland, schemes of private assassination were mixed
up with plots against the Government : not only the
Chancellor Maitland but the King himself considered
their lives in danger ;^ and James, in self-defence, was
compelled to dissemble, and to aim at a neutrality
which promised a temporary security.' But through-
out all this, the real sentiments of the monarch
experienced no alteration. He continued firm in his
opposition to Spain, true to the reformed religion,
' MS. St. P. Off., January, 1587-8. Occurrences out of Scot-
land.
* MS. Letter, Brit. Mus., Caligula D, fol. Hunsdon to Burghley,
25th Nov., 1587. Also, MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Same to
same, 14ib Deo., 1587: and Ibid., same to same, 27th Dec, 1587.
» Id. Ibid.
20 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1587-8.
and ready to league with England the moment Eliza-
beth, throwing off her parsimony, showed a sincere
determination to assist him with money and troops.
This the imminent dangers with which she was
surrounded at length compelled her to do; and Lord
Hunsdon, her cousin, who had recently gained an
intimate knowledge of the intrigues of France by
robbing the French Ambassador, Courcelles, of his
despatches, was selected to open a communication with
the King of Scots. But at this moment a circum-
stance, apparently slight, had nearly overturned all.
Jane Kennedy, the daughter of a noble house, who
had attended Mary in her last hours, suddenly
arrived from France, obtained a private audience of
the King, was closeted with him for two hours, and
gave so touching an account of the tragedy at Fo-
theringay, that James refused to be comforted ; and
denouncing vengeance, broke off the conferences with
England. But these feelings were evanescent : the
violence of the northern earls, the fear of losing Eliza-
beth and cutting himself out of the succession, re-
stored him to his calmer mood; and he despatched
the Laird of Carmichael to meet Hunsdon on the
Borders at Hutton Hall.^ All, however, had to be
transacted with the utmost secrecy; and nothing
could be more alarming than the picture of the king-
dom drawn by the English diplomatist. Huntly
and the Catholics, he said, were almost in open re-
J MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Hunsdon to Burghley, 23(1
January, 1587-8. Also, Ibid., same to same, 17tli Jan. 1587-8.
1587-8. JAMES VI. 21
bellion, earnestly pressing Philip and the Duke of
Parma to attack England through Scotland ; and of-
fering, the moment the Spaniards made their descent,
to join them with a body of troops which should
overwhelm Elizabeth.^ Against this there was little
to oppose : for the Scottish King and the Kirk were
on bad terms ; and the Chancellor Maitland, the only
man of statesmanlike views, although in heart a
Protestant and a friend to England, lived in hourly
dread of assassination by Bothwell or some of his
desperate associates.^ Under such trying circum-
stances, it says something for the King of Scots that
he resisted the high offers made to him at this crisis
by foreign princes, declared himself the determined
opponent of Spain, resolved to support the reformed
opinions, and cooperated cordially with the Queen of
England. He assured Elizabeth that she could not
detest more deeply than himself the plots of the
Papists ; that none of the messengers of Antichrist,
their common enemy, should be encouraged; and that
his siugle reason for suspending their usual loving
intelligence was a feeling that she had failed to vin-
dicate herself from the guilt of his mother's blood.
To prove his sincerity against the Catholics, he sum-
moned his forces, attacked the Castle of Lochmaben
belonging to Lord Maxwell, who had now assumed
» MS. 1588-9, St. P. Off. Intercepted letters of Hnntly, Mor-
ten, and Lord Gland Hamilten, in the name of the Catholic gentle-
men of Scotland, to the King of Spain. Thia is a decipher by
the noted Phelips.
« MS. Letter, St P. Off. B.C., Hunsdon to Burghley, Olst
Mdroh, 1^88.
22 HISTOilY OF SCOTLAND. 1588.
the title of Morton, and, reinforced by an English
battering-train, beat the castle about the ears of its
captain, David Maxwell, whom he hanged with six
of his men.^ This spirit and severity enchanted
Elizabeth; and she forthwith despatched Mr William
Ashby to the Scottish Court vnth her thanks and
congratulations. But the Ambassador promised £a.r
more than the Queen had the least intention of per-
forming. His royal mistress, he said, was ready to
settle a Duchy on her good brother, with a yearly
pension of five thousand pounds. She would imme-
diately raise for him a body-guard of fifty Scottish
gentlemen; and, to meet the danger of a revolt by
the Popish lords on the approach of the Armada,
she would levy a corps of a hundred horse and a
hundred infantry to act upon the Borders.* With
these high offers James immediately closed; and
Walsingham, for whose piercing glance and universal
intelligence nothing was too minute or remote, having
discovered that Thomas Fowler, an attached friend
of the House of Lennox and a favourite of the Scot-
tish King, was about to proceed on some private
personal affairs to Edinburgh, contrived, through his
means, to open a secret correspondence with James
and Maitland his chief minister, which enabled them
to traverse and overthrow the designs of Huntly and
the Spanish faction.^ All this was of the utmost
1 Historie of James the Sext, p. 236.
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., William Ashby to Lord Burghley,
6th Aagust, 1588.
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Ashby to Walsingham, 13th November,
1 588. Also, Ibid. FoAvler to Walsingham, 18th December, 1588.
1588. JAMES VI. 23
importance to Elizabeth. Ireland was saved from
any invasion by the Islesmen ; the Borders between
England and Scotland were kept qniet ; no Scottish
auxiliaries were permitted to pass over to the service
of her enemies ; and she was enabled to concentrate
her whole naval and military energies to meet the
great crisis of her fate — ^the meditated invasion of the
Aimada. This she did, accordingly, in the noblest
and most effective manner: and the result is familiar
to all, in the utter discomfiture and dispersion of that
mighty armament.
Not long after this occurred the assassination of
the Duke of Guise and his brother the Cardinal of
Lorrain, which removed two of her most powerful and
talented opponents : so that, although the clouds still
lowered, the imminency of the danger on the side of
Spain and France had passed.
James now naturally looked for the performance
of her promises ; but he was cruelly disappointed.
With the cessation of alarm, Elizabeth's deep-rooted
habits of parsimony revived : the promised Duchy
with its princely revenue, the annual pension, the
intended body-guard, the English auxiliaries to act
upon the Borders, melted away and were no more
heard of: — Ashby, the Ambassador, it was alleg-
ed, had much exceeded his instructions ; and the
King, in great wrath, complained that he had been
dandled and duped like a boy.* These irritated feel-
ings were encouraged by the Spanish faction. Many
J MS. St. P. Off., Fowler to WaUingbam, 20tli Dec, 1588.
24 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1588.
urged the King to seek revenge. Bothwell, ever
anxious for broils, boasted that, vvrithout charging his
master a farthing, he vvrould bleed Elizabeth's Ex-
chequer at the rate of two hundred thousand crovi^ns
a-year, or lay the country waste to the gates of New-
castle. The more moderate party hardly dared to ad-
vise ; and the Chancellor Maitland, hitherto the firm
friend of England, found himself compelled to unite
with Huntly. The character of the young prince,
and the dangerous and unsettled state of Scotland at
this time, were strikingly described by Fowler in one
of his letters to Walsingham. He found James, he
said, a virtuous prince, stained by no vice, and sin-
gularly acute in the discussion of all matters of
state ; but indolent and careless, and so utterly pro-
fuse, that he gave to every suitor, even to vain youths
and proud fools, whatever they desired. He did not
scruple to throw away, in this manner, even the lands
of his Crown ; and so reckless was he of wealth, that,
in Fowler*s opinion, if he were to get a million from
England, it would all go the same w^ay. His plea-"!^
sures were hunting, of which he was passionately
fond ; and playing at the mawe^ an English game of
chance, in which he piqued himself on excelling. In
his dress he was slovenly, and his Court and house-
hold were shabby and unkingly ; but he sat often in
council, was punctual in his religious duties, not
missing the sermons thrice a-week ; and his manners
betrayed no haughtiness or pride. It was evident to
Fowler that he detested the rude and ferocious bear-
ing of his great nobles, who were content to obey
1588. JAMES VI. 25
him in trifles, but in all serious matters, touching life
or justice, took the law into their own hands, and
openly defied him. Upon this subject Fowler's ex-
pressions were remarkable. When it came to the
execution of justice, it was evident, he said, his sub-
jects feared him not, whilst he was terrified to deal
with so many at once, looking tremblingly to the fate
of his ancestors, of whom such as attempted to exe-
cute justice with severity, were uniformly put to
death by their nobles.^ Often had the King assured
the intimate friend who wrote these letters, that it
was misery to be constrained to live amid the wicked-
ness of his barons, and that they made his existence
a burden to him. Nor could he look for redress to
his Council. Even the wisest and greatest amongst
them, not excepting the Chancellor Maitland, were
infinitely more occupied in private quarrels and family
fends than with the public business of the State; and,
to increase their individual power, were content to
flatter the King in the basest manner, and become
suitors at Court for everything ungodly and unrea-
sonable. Well might Walsingham exclaim, in answer
to this sad dark picture of regal weakness and feudal
misrule, " God send that young prince, being of him-
self every way well-inclined, good, wise, and faithful
councillors, that may carry him in a constant course
for the upholding of religion, and the establishing of
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Fowler to Walsingham, 18th De-
oiimber, 1588. Also, Ibid., Fowler to Walsingham, 29th Decern*
ber, 1588,
\
26 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1588.
justice in that realm."^ As a cure for this miserable
condition, the English Secretary recommended a
Court of Star-chamber, and a change of councillors
from the great nobles to the barons and burgesses. But
neither measure was practicable; and Maitland, at this
moment James' chief adviser, assured Fowler that the
death of the Guises, instead of being attended with any
favourable result in strengthening the English party
in Scotland, would have an opposite effect. " Your
Queen," said he, " thinks that she has lost in Guise a
great enemy, and my master a great friend. Be assured
it is not so. For a long time the King hath had no
dealings with the-<i[ui8e: he loved him not — ^nor is he
sorry but rather glad^lhit he is gone. But, mark me,
this will make the KingSf Spain seek my master,
and esteem him more than before : for by the Duke
of Guise that Prince thought toSjave had all France
at his devotion, except the Protestaiii^s, — to have sub-
dued even them ere long, and to have^een so strong
as to have had his revenge on England^Vjvithout our
help here ; but now Scotland is his only ca^d to play
against England, and that you will see ere ftsng."^
These predictions were soon fully verified^ The
Popish earls, led by Huntly and Errol, entereS into
a more active and deep-laid correspondence Vith
Spain and Rome. Large sums of money were >rc-
raitted to them from Philip and the Pope ; and letters
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Orig. Draft, WaJsinghara to FowleV,
22a Dec, 1588.
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Fowler to Walsingliam, 4tli Jai;,
1588-9.
1588-9. JAMES VI. 27
were intercepted by Burghley, which proved, in the
clearest manner, an intended rebellion. They were
seized on the person of a Scotsman, who was detected
carrying them to the Prince of Parma; and expressed,
on the part of Hnntly, Morton, Errol, and the rest
of the Catholic noblemen and gentry of Scotland,
their infinite regret at the discomfiture of the Armada,
and their sorrow that the fleet had passed so near
their coaat without visiting them, when they were
able to have raised a force such as could not have
been resisted. They assured the Spanish King, that
the outlay of a single Galeass in Scotland would have
gone farther than ten on the broad seas ; and that six
thousand Spaniards once landed there, would be
joined by an infinite multitude of Scotsmen animated
with the bitterest hatred to England, and who would
serve him as faithfully as his own subjects. Huntly
at the same time assured Parma, that his late con-
fession and his signature to the Protestant Articles
had been extorted from him against his conscience ;
but that in spite of all this he continued a true Ca-
tholic, and by this pretended change had acquired a
greater power over the young King. In the same
letters Errol professed the utmost devotion to the
Catholic faith, congratulating himself on having been
called from darkness to light ; and Bruce informed
Parma of the seasonable arrival of Chisholm, their
agent, with the large sum entrusted to him, and of
their having secured the Earl of Bothwell, who,
though still a Protestant^ had been bribed to embrace
their party.
28 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1588-9.
Copies of these letters were instantly sent down
to James, who at first disbelieved the whole story,
and dealt so leniently with the principal conspir-
ators, that the plot, instead of being crushed in
its first growth, spread its ramifications throughout
the country, especially the northern counties, and
grew more dangerous than before. Huntly was, in-
deed, imprisoned; but his confinement was a mere
farce. The King visited him in his chamber and
dined there; permitted his wife and servants to com-
municate freely with him; wrote him an affectionate
remonstrance, and even kissed and caressed hira.^
This could end only one way. The captive, after a
brief imprisonment, during which he made the most
solemn asseverations of his innocence, was restored
by the too credulous monarch to his former autho-
rity, and basely abused the royal forgiveness by
seducing the fierce and potent Earl of Bothwell from
his allegiance, and breaking into open rebellion.
This insurrection at first assumed the most formid-
able appearance : the whole of Scotland north of Aber-
deen was on the eve of revolt ; and Bothwell threat-
ened, that if James ventured to take arms against
the remoter insurgents, he would ravage the south in
his absence and compel him to draw homewards.
But this bravado, instead of intimidating, effectu-
ally roused the King, who, for the first and almost
the last time in his life, exhibited a military spirit
worthy of his ancestors. An army was instantly
» MS, St P. Off., Ashby to Burghley, Edinburgh, 10th March,
1 ;S88^9, Also, Ibid., Same to same, 14th March, 1588-9.
1589. JAMES VI. 29
assembled ; a conspiracy for the seizure of James and
his chief minister, Maitland the Chancellor, promptly
discovered and defeated.^ The Protestant nobles,
led by the young Duke of Lennox and the Chancellor,
rallied in great strength ; the Earl of Mar, the three
Lords Warden, Hume, Cessford, and Carmichael, the
Earls of Morton, Angus, Marshal, Athol, and the Mas-
ter of Glammis, gathered and concentrated their forces
beyond the Forth ; and the monarch, who was de-
scribed by Ashby the English Ambassador, as ^^fellon
crabhed^^ pushed on, at the head of his troops, to St
Johnston, loudly declaring his resolution to wreck
his rebels, and destroy them with fire and sword.^
This vigour and resolution had the best effect. The
formidable stories of the mighty strength and pre-
parations of the Catholic earls were found false and
ridiculous, — ^their troops melted away. Bothwell's
force, which was to effect such wonders, soon shrunk
to thirty horse; and James, advancing by Dundee
and Brechin, carried everything before him, and com-
pelled the rebels to evacuate Aberdeen, the centre of
their strength. It had been expected that the enemy
would here give battle, but their courage failed them.
Crawfurd secretly fled; others openly deserted; and
the King, who had shown unusual hardihood, and
watched two nights in his arms, was disappointed of
an opportunity to win his spurs. But the expedition
was completely successful : Huntly was driven from
' MS. St. P. Off., Ashby to Bnrghley, 8tli April, 1589.
2 MS. St. P. Off., Fowler to Burghley, 0th April, 1589.
30 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1589.
Aberdeen to Strathbogie, his own country, where he
surrendered himself prisoner, and was carried in
triumph by the King to Edinburgh. Slanes, the
principal castle of Enrol, was taken and garrisoned;
the Lairds of Frendraught, Grant, and Macintosh,
the powerful clansof theDrmnmonds and theForbeses,
with many others who had been seduced from their
allegiance by the Catholic faction, submitted them-
selves; and James, in high spirits and exultation,
returned to his capital with the resolution of pro-
ceeding instantly against Bothwell. But this fierce
chief, who was now crest-fallen and in no state to
make resistance, threw himself on his knees before
the King in the Chancellor's garden, and was sent
prisoner to Holyrood.^
A Convention of the nobility vras now held at
Edinburgh, and the rebel earls, Huntly and Cravrford,
having been brought to trial and convicted of high
treason, escaped with imprisonment, — contrary to the
remonstrances of the leaders of the Kirk, who clam-
oured for the death of idolaters. Their confession,
however, had softened the King; and their high con-
nexions rendered it dangerous to use extremities.
Bothwell also was brought to trial; but, after his
usual fierce fashion, declared his innocence ; reviled
and accused the Chancellor, and stood on his defence.
The circumstance of his being in arms against the
Government, and his cordial cooperation with the
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Aahby to WalsJngham, 12th May,
1589.
1589, J.VMES VI. 31
Northern rebellion, was, indeed, notorious to all ; but
the dread of his power and revenge intimidated the
Court. The trial was prolonged till midnight, and it
required the presence and remonstrances of the King
to procure a conviction. He was then shut up in
Tantallon ; ^ but was enlarged, after a few months,
on payment of a heavy fine to the Crown.*
This unusual exertion of James in destroying the
designs of Huntly and the Catholics, was followed
by a fit of extraordinary activity on another subject
— ^his marriage with Denmark. At the time of the
first proposal of a matrimonial alliance with this
kingdom, Arran was in power, and had engaged to
Elizabeth that his royal master should continue single
for three years. Accordingly, on the arrival of the
Danish Ambassadors, they found themselves treated
with such irritating coldness and neglect, that it re-
quired much management on the part of Sir James
Melvil to prevent an open rupture, and convince
them that the a&ont proceeded not from the young
King but his haughty minister.^ His endeavours,
however, succeeded ; and although the Danish mon-
arch, in some disgust, disposed of his eldest daughter,
the Princess Royal, the intended bride of James, to
the Duke of Brunswick, he afterwards declared his
willingness to bestow her sister, the Princess Anne,
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Aahby to Walsingham, 25th May,
1589. Ibid., Fowler to Walsingham, 26th May, 1589.
* Ma Letter, St. P. Off., Aahby to Walsingham, 26th Aug.,
1589.
' Melvil's Memoirs, Dannat. ed. p. 337.
32 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1589.
upon the Scottish King. The intrigues of England,
however, continued. Elizabeth, who had gained to her
interest the Chancellor Maitland, recommended the
Princess of Navarre; and thecelebrated poet DuBartaa
visited Scotland on a secret mission to propose the
match. This preference probably proceeded from a
suspicion that the Princess Anne was not sound in
her attachment to the Protestant opinions, which
afterwards turned out to be well founded ; but James
utterly disrelished the dictation of the Queen and
the boldness of his Council. It was time, he felt,
that in so weighty a matter as his marriage he should
vindicate his liberty of choice and follow his own
judgment : he had, besides, heard a report that the
Princess of Navarre was old and crooked ; and al-
though his great nobles affected the alliance with
France, the bulk of his people, the Burgh towns and
the merchants, were all keen for Denmark.^ This
decided the young King ; and he now despatched the
Earl Marshal, with a noble suite, to proceed to
Copenhagen and conclude the match.
On his arrival, the Scottish Ambassador found
that, if cold or slow at first, the Danish Court were
hot enough (to use Ashby's expression to Walsing-
ham) as soon as there was a serious proposal made.
All was soon arranged, and the utmost bustle prevailed.
In some amusing contemporary letters, the Queen*
mother is described as the soul and centre of the
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Ashby to Walsinghain, 22d July,
1589. Melvil's Memoirs, pp. 363, 364.
1589. JAMES VI. 33
whole preparations — perpetually buying silks, or
cheapening jewellery, or urging on a corps of five
hundred tailors, who sat daily stitching and getting
up the most princely apparel. Women, guards, pages,
lackeys^ all, from the highest to the lowest, who were
to compose the suite of the bride, received orders to
hold themselves in readiness. A fleet of twelve sail
with brass ordnance, was fitted out to transport her ;
and it was reported that she was likely to land in
Scotland before James' wedding hose were ready or
a house furnished to receive her.^ But these antici-
pations proved fallacious; and the King, who had
worked up his usually phlegmatic temper to an extra-
ordinary pitch of chivalrous admiration, was kept for
some weeks in an agony of suspense by contrary
winds and contrary councils. This did not prevent
him, however, from forwarding to his ambassadors
a gentle remonstrance touching the smallness of the
" tocher," or dowry ; but Denmark refused to add a
farthing to it ; and the monarch, affecting the utmost
anxiety for the young Princess, who, he had per-
suaded himself, was utterly in despair and love-sick
at the delay, urged her instant departure.' At length
she sailed ; but the squadron encountered a tremen-
dous storm, which shattered and dispersed the ships,
and compelled them to return to Norway in so leaky
and disabled a condition, that every hope of resuming
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Ashby to WalBingbam, 22d Jaly,
1589. Fowler to Wakingham, 5ih August, 1589.
' M& Letter, St. P. Off., Fowler to Walsinghani, 5th August,
1S89.
VOIi. IX. I>
84 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1589.
their voyage for that season was abandoned.^ During
all this period of suspense, the young King's romantic
agitation continued. He was a true lover, as Ashby
described him to Walsingham in a letter from the
Court at Holyrood ; thinking every day a year till
he saw his love and joy approach : at one time, flying
to God, and commanding prayers and fasting for
her safe arrival ; at another, falling upon the Scot-
tish witches, to whose unhallowed rites and incanta-
tions he ascribed the tempests which delayed her.
Nor were these pretended agonies : for when at last
the news arrived of her danger and escape, he sud-
denly adopted the idea of proceeding in person to
Norway, and determined (to use the poetic phrase-
ology of Ashby to Queen Elizabeth) "to commit
himself and his hopes, Leander like, to the waves of
the ocean, all for his beloved Hero's sake." ^
This resolution he carried into effect on the twenty-
second of October — embarking at Leith, accom-
panied by the Chancellor Maitland, who had been
forced to waive his repugnance to the match ; by his
favourite minister and chaplain Mr David [iindsay,
and a select suite of his nobility. On the day after
his departure, a Declaration of the reasons which had
prompted so unusual a step was delivered to the
Privy Council, and afterwards made public. It was
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Ashby to Walsingham, 5th, 24th
Sept., 1589. Also, Ibid., same to same, 2d Oct., 1589. Ibid.,
some to same, 10th Oct., 1589. Ibid., same to Queen Elizabeth,
23d Oct., 1589.
5 Spottiswood, pp. 377, 378.
1589. JAMES VI. 85
written wholly in the King's hand, and is ludicrously
characteristic of the monarch. We learn from his
own lips that it had heen very generally asserted by
his loving subjects, that their sovereign was a ^^ barren
stock," indisposed to marriage, and careless of having
children to succeed him in the throne. His mind,
too, had been attacked in most unmannerly terms :
it was insinuated that the Chancellor '4ed him
by the nose," as if he were an unreasonable creature,
a mere child in intellect and resolution, or an '^im-
pudent ass that could do nothing of himself." To
confute the first slander, he had determined to seek
his Queen forthwith, and marry her as speedily as
the winds and waves would permit. To gi?e the lie
to the second aspersion, he assured his people, on the
honour of a Prince, that he alone, unknown to Chan*
cellor or Council, had conceived the first idea of this
winter voyage ; that his resolution was taken in the
solitude of his chamber at Craigmillar ; and that, till
the preparations were concluded, and he was ready
to step on board, the purpose was shut up in his own
bosom. Let no man, therefore, (he concluded,) grudge
at this proceeding, but conform to the directions I
have leffc.^
These directions, notwithstanding the undignified
singularity of the paper which accompanied them,
were marked by prudence and good sense. The
chief authority during the royal absence was com-
mitted to the Duke of Lennox, who was made
President of the Privy Council. Bothwell, whoee
* Spottiswood, pp. 377, 378-379.
3fe HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 1589.
turbulent disposition and power upon the Borders
rendered it dangerous for him to be disobliged, was
conciliated by being placed next in rank and au-
thority to Lennox. The other councillors were, the
Treasurer, Comptroller, the Lord Privy-Seal, the Cap-
tain of the Castie of Edinburgh, with the Lord Advocate
and Clerk Roister. A committee of noblemen was
ordered to attend ** in their courses," at Edinburgh,
for fifteen days : the Earls of Angus and Athol, with
Lords Fleming and Innermeath, to begin ; and the
next course to be kept by the Earls of Maar and
Morton, with Lords Seton and Yester. The chief
military power, as Lord-Lieutenant, was entrusted to
Lord Hamilton, to be assisted in any emergency by
Lords Boyd, Herries, Maxwell, Home, Cessford, and
other principal barons within the marches. All con-
yentions of the nobles were prohibited during the
King's absence ; and the ministers and preachers en-
joined to exhort the people to obedience, and to
commend their sovereign and his journey in their
prayers to God.^
Having given these directions, the King set sail ;
and his insulated fit of love and chivalry met with its
reward. After an initiatory gale, just sufficient to
try the royal courage, the squadron reached Upsal on
the fifth day, and James rode to the palace, where
his inamorata awaited. him; hurried, /'booted and
spurred," into her presence ; and, in the rude fii^ion
of Scotland, would have kissed her, had he not been
repulsed by the offended maidenhood of Denmark.
' SiKjttiswood, p. 379.
1589. JAMES VI. 37.
But she was soon appeased ; explanations followed ;
the manners of the royal bridegroom's land were
comprehended ; and, ''after a few words privily spoken
between his Majesty and her, there passed," we are
told by a homely chronicler of the day, '' familiarity
and kisses/' ^
The marriage took place (November 23) in the
Church at Upsal : the ceremony being performed by
the King's favourite minister, Mr David Lindsay.
Much rejoicing and banqueting, as usual, succeeded ;
and it appears to have required little argument in
the Queen-mother to persuade her new son-in-law to
eschew the dangers of a winter voyage, and convert
his intended visit of twenty days into a residence of
nearly six months in Denmark. This interval was
passed by the King to his entire satisfaction. The
time being divided between in-door revelries and
pageants ; out-door sports ; discussions on astronomy
with Tycho Brahe, whom he visited at Uranibourg ;
disputes with the learned Hemingius, on predestina-
tion and other points in divinity ; and consultations
with the Chancellor Maitland, regarding the safest
method of curbing the overgrown power of his nobles,
and vindicating, on his return, the authority of the
Crown. In the spring he determined on his voyage
home ; and carrying his youthful Queen along with
him, accompanied by a splendid retinue of Danish
nobles and ladies,^ arrived at Leith on the first of
May, 1590. The royal pair were received, on dis-
1 Moyse's Momoirs, Bannat. ed., p. 81.
* Kymer's Fcedeni, toL xvu p. 51-60.
38 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1590.
embarking, by the Duke of Lennox, Lord Hamilton,
the Earl of Btithwell, and a crowd of his nobility.
A Latin oration of welcome was followed by a ser-
mon of Mr Patrick Galloway ; and after divine ser-
vice the King, mounting his horse, followed by his
youthful bride in her chariot, drawn by eight horses
gorgeously caparisoned, proceeded to the Palace of
Holyrood. She was encircled by a galaxy of Danish
and Scottish beauty, and attended by all the chivalry
of her new dominions.
Her Coronation followed not long after, performed
on a scale of unusual magnificence, and only clouded
by a dispute between the King and the Kirk, on the
subject of "anointing;" a ceremony represented on
the side of the Puritans as Jewish, Papal, and abomi-
nably superstitious — on the other, as Christian, holy,
and Catholic. The royal arguments, however, were
enforced by athreat that one of the Bishops should
be sent for. The dread of this worse profanation
procured the admission of the lesser : the ceremony
was allowed to proceed according to the King's
wishes ; and, to use the naive expression of a con-
temporary, " the Countess of Mar, having taken the
Queen's right arm, and opened the craigs of her
gown, Mr Robert Bruce immediately poured forth
upon those parts of her breast and arm of quhilk the
clothes were removed, a bonny quantity of oil." ^
' The Coronation of the Quenia Majestie, p. 53« One of the
curious tracts, reprinted by Mr Gibson-Craig in his interesting
volume presented to the Bannatyne Club, entitled, "Papers
Relative to the Marriage of vT^imes the Sixth of Scotland.
1590. JAMES VI. 39
The coronation was followed by the Queen's tri-
umphal entry into her new capital ; a ceremony con-
ducted by the worthy merchants and burgesses, on a
scale of splendour which argued increasing wealth and
success in commercial enterprise. But the particulars,
though curiously illustrative of manners, would fatigue
by their complexity. Latin addresses were, as usual
in this age,, the great staple of compliment ; and
when the Danish Princess entered the gates, she was
greeted in a classical panegyric by " Master John
Russell, appointed thereto by the township ;" whilst
the son of the orator, " little Master John Kussell,"
who had been artificially and wonderfully shut up in
a gilded globe stuck upon the top of the gate, fluttered
down in the dress of an angel, and delivered to Her
Majesty the keys of the city in silver.^ '
' Papers Relative to the Marriage of James the Sixth, pp. 39,
40.
40
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
1590.
CHAP. II.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1590—1593-
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.
SiiS^tuL
Henry III.
Heniy IV.
Rudolph II.
Philip n.
PhOip IL
Popet.
SixtuaY.
Urban VIL
OngotyXIV.
I IX.
vni.
The period which James passed in Denmark was
one of unusual and extraordinary tranquillity in Scot-
land. Previous to his departure, the King had ex-
erted himself to conciliate Elizabeth, and many
circumstances in his conduct had concurred to please
this Princess. His cordial cooperation against the
Spanish King, — ^the readiness with which he had
furnished her with a body of auxiliaries, commanded
by the Laird of Wemyss, — ^his spirit and success in
putting down the rebellion of the Catholic earls, and
his sending out of his dominions a body of Spanish
soldiers and mariners, whose vessels (part of the once
formidable Armada) had been wrecked and stranded
on the northern shores of Scotland,' — all this had
1 ^^ To the number of 600 men, of whom 400 were aervieeable,
and the rest sick, miserable wrctches/'**They were shipped from
1590, JAMES VI. 41
been exceedingly agreeable to the Queen of England ;
and she repaid it by preserving the most friendly
relations during the absence of the King. Nor was
the peace of the country, in this brief and happy in-
terval, broken by the usual sanguinary baronial feuds ;
although, as the result fully showed, they were
silenced, not eradicated. Huntly, Errol, Crawford,
Maxwell, and the great body of the Roman Catholic
party, had too recently experienced the weight of the
royal vengeance to think of active hostility for some
time ; and the judicious division of power between
the Duke of Lennox, Lord Hamilto(|, and the Earl
of Bothwell, balanced by the authority committed to
Angus and Athol, Mar and Morton, with other great
barons, produced the best effects, and put all upon their
honour and good conduct. The Kirk, too, was in a
state of tranquillity — rejoicing in the recent detection
and discomfiture of Roman Catholic intrigue, looking
forward in calm exultation to the utter extermination
of prelatical principles, and anticipating no distant
triumph to what it believed to be the truth.
On the return of the King, therefore, all at first
appeared tranquil; but it needed no deep disceru'-
ment to detect the existence of many latent causes
of disturbance. The great struggle between the
principles of the Reformation and the ancient faith
was lulled only, not concluded.^ The minor, but
Leith, i&ih July, 1589. MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Ashby to
BurgUey, 28th July, 1 589. Also, Ibid., same to Walsiogfaam,
28d Jaly, 1580.
> MS. Letter, St, P. Off., Sir R. Bowe« to Burgbley, 16tfa
42 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1590.
sometimes not less bitter contest between Prelacy and
Presbyterianism, was merely suspended for a time.
Amongst the nobles, the right of private war, the ties
of manrent, the abuses of baronial jurisdictions, the
existence of blood-feuds, which often from trilBing
quarrels depopulated whole districts and counties ; and
in the Isles, and remoter proyinees of the north, the
lawless and fierce habits of the petty chieftains and
pirate adventurers, who assumed the state and in-
dependence of sea kings, — all these circumstances
combined to threaten the public tranquillity, and to
convince the King that the sky so clear on his arrival
tnight soon be black with its wonted tempests.
Amid these elements of political strife and nascent
revolution, two men were to be seen evidently des-
tined, from their power and political position, to take
the chief lead in State affairs. Both were well aware
of the easy and indolent temper of the King ; both
had resolved to engross to themselves the supreme
power in the Government : and for some years, the
history of the country is little else than the conflicts
of their intrigue and ambition. These were, Mait-
land of Thirlestaue the Chancellor, James' favourite
and prime minister, who had accompanied his royal
master to Denmark ; and Francis Stewart Earl of
Bothwell, the King's near relative, and, perhaps, the
most daring, powerful^ and unprincipled of all the
higher nobles. Maitland, born of an ancient family,
May, 1590. The Roman Catholic faction were called the " Con-
fedenites of the hr\r of Dee."
1590. JAMES VI. 43
but only the Becond son of a simple knight, (the
blind poet Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington,) be-
longed to the body of the lesser barons ; but he was
connected with some of the greatest houses in the
land. He had risen by his commanding talents to
the highest legal office in the kingdom ; and he was
strong in the friendship of his Prince, and the respect
of the Kirk and the great body of the middle classes
— the rich burghers, merchants, and artisans. During
his absence in Denmark with his royal master, they
had held many grave consultations on the broken,
disjointed, and miserable state of his kingdom. The
extreme poverty of the Crown, the insolence and
intolerable oppressions of the higher barons, who,
strong in their hereditary power, dictated to the
monarch on all the affairs of his Government, thrust
themselves uncalled-for into his Councils, attended
or absented themselves from Court at their pleasure,
and derided alike the command of their Prince or
the decisions of the laws ; — all this was pointed out
by the Chancellor to the King, and the absolute
necessity of some speedy and efficient reformation
insisted on. It was time, he said, that the mon-
arch, who was now in the prime of his years and
vigour, allied by marriage to a powerful Prince, the
heir of a mighty kingdom, and able, from his posi-
tion, to take a leading part in European politics,
iahould no longer be bearded by every baron who
chose to consider himself as a bom councillor of the
realm; It was time that those illegal coalitions of
the nobles, whose object it had so often been to seixe
44 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1590,
the King's person, and compel him into an approval
of all their atrocious designs, should be broken up,
and for the future rendered impossible. To effect
this, the Crown must strengthen itself in every possi-
ble way : it must support its judges and officers in
the execution of their duty against baronial oppres-
sion and insolence ; it must increase its revenues by
a prudent economy and retrenchment of the super-
fluous offices in the royal household ; it must save
its escheats, its wardships, its fines, its rentals, and
all the sources of its wealth, to form a fund for all
emergencies, but especially for the support of a body
of waged troops, who, by their constant readiness for
service, and superior discipline, might overawe the
nobles and their vassals. To effect this, would require
some sacrifices on the part of the Prince. Amongst
these, a more rigid and practical attention to business,
a correction of the mischievous habit of granting
every petition without inquiry, and a resolution to hold
himself more distant and dignified to his nobility, were
absolutely necessary ; but if ready to consent to these,
it would not, he said, be difficult to effect a thorough
reformation; and he the Chancellor, for his part, was
ready to back the King to the utmost of his power
to accomplish it. To this end, he represented to
James the wisdom of keeping up the present friendly
relations with England, and the necessity of watch-
ing the motions of Huntly and the Roman Catholic
party, who, though apparently subdued and silent,
were still powerful in the kingdom, busy in their
intrigues with Spain, and ready to seize any oppor-
1590. JAMES VI. 45
tunity for a new eflfort.^ Nor was there any reason
why this large and powerful body of men should
despair of success, but rather the contrary. Ample
proof of this may be found in a remarkable paper in
the hand of Lord Burghley, written shortly before
James' arrival from Denmark, and drawn up appa-
rently for his own guidance, which brings forward,
in clear contrast, the comparative strength of the
Catholic and Protestant parties in Scotland. From
it we learn, that all the northern part of the kingdom,
including the counties of Inverness, Caithness, Suther-
land, and Aberdeen, with Moray, and the Sheriflf-
doms of Buchan, of Angus, of Wigtown, and of Niths-
dale, were either wholly, or for the greater part, in
the interest of the Roman Catholic party, commanded
mostly by noblemen who secretly adhered to that
&ith, and directed in their movements by Jesuits
and Priests, who were concealed in various parts of
the country, especially in Angus. On the other hand,
the counties of Perth and Stirling, the populous shire
of Fife, and the counties of Lanark, Dumbarton, and
Rmfiew, including the rich district of Clydesdale,
were, with few exceptions, Protestant; whilst the
counties of Ayr and Linlithgow were dubious, and
could not be truly ranged either on one side or the
other.' Are we to be surprised that, in a country thus
divided, and with a Prince so little able to adopt a
> MS. St. P. Off., Sir B. Bowes to Lord Bofgblej, 16th Hay,
1590.
* MS. St. P. Off. Names of the Towns and Noblemen in Scot-
land, and how they are Affected. 1589.
4
46 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 1590.
finn anddeterminedlme of policy as James then was, the
struggle between the two parties should long be kept
up with increasing obstinacy and asperity ? But it is
necessary to leave these general remarks and resume
our narrative.
In the end of May, the Danish commissioners and
nobles, who had accompanied their young Princess
to Scotland, took leave of the Scottish monarch, and
returned to Denmark. It had been arranged between
James and his chief minister Maitlaud, that no at-
tempt at reformation should be made till these stran-
gers had left the country; but scarcely had they
embarked, when the King exhibited an unosual
courage and activity, by making an eflfort to seize,
with his own hand, the Laird of Niddry, a baron who
had been guilty of a foul murder, and was protected
by Bothwell. This energy, although unsuccessful at
the moment, (for the culprit, receiving warning, es-
caped,) had a good eflfect in convincing the country
that he was in earnest; and about the same time
the strictest regulations as to audience were enforced
ait the palace. Of this an instance occurred soon
after, which made some noise. Lord Hamilton, the
first nobleman in the country, and heir-apparent to
the throne, sought, as usual, to enter the King's pre-
sence-chamber, but was stopped at the door by Sandi-
lands, one of the royal suite, who told him the King
was quiet, and would see no one. " I was sent for,"
said Hamilton; "I am ready to serve my Prince,
and thought to have access freely as I was wont ;
but you may tell the King, that this new order will
1590. JAMES VI. 47
offend more than me/' He then left the palace in a
high fume, and would have ridden home had be not
been better advised. James afterwards good humour-
edly appeased him ; observing, that it ill became the
heir-apparent to be angry with the old laird, meaning
himself. Bowes, however, who was at Court, and
told the anecdote to Burghley, observed, that such
new restrictions gave deep offence in Scotland, and
caused much murmuring with a proud noblity long ac-
customed to have the freest access to their sovereign.^
Such discontent, however small in its beginning,
soon spread widely ; and unknown evils and reforms
being generally magnified in anticipation, the King's
intentions created an alarm, which showed itself in a
coalition between those who hitherto had been in
constant and bitter collision — ^the Catholic faction,
known by the name of the Confederates of the Brig
of Dee, and the Protestant associates of the Enter-
prise at Stirling. The Earls of Huntly, Errol^ Both-
well, and Montrose, began to league together; and
James had at first resolved to attempt a stroke of
State policy, by committing them to ward, bringing
them to trial for their former (fences, acd at once
destroying so dangerous a combination. But the at-
tempt was deemed too hazardous; and it \fas judged
more prudent to temporize, and keep up the two
factions, balancing the one against the other.^
A Convention of the nobles was appointed to be
held early in June. " The King, (said Bowjss to
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 23d May, 1590, Bowes to Burghley.
Ubid.
48 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1590.
Buighley, alluding to his projected improvements,)
according to his pnhlic promise in Edinburgh, and
solemn protestations to some noblemen, ministers,
and well-affected, is resolved to reform his hoose,
Council, and Sessions, and to banish all Jesuits and
Papists. He pnrposeth, further, to resume into his
hands sundry of his own possessions now in the hold-
ing of others. To advance his revenues with some
portions of ecclesiastical livings, and to draw to due
obedience all persons attainted at horn, excommuni-
cated, or otherwise disobedient. In the execution of
which things," continued the Ambassador, '' he will
find no little difficulty : for I have heard that many
intend to seek to defeat and stay the King's course
herein ; and that sundry of the Sessions will stand in
law to hold their places, notwithstanding any charge
to be given to avoid them."^
James, for some time, was active and serious in
these reforms. His household was greatly reduced
in its expenditure. After a general dismissal of offi-
cers, which occasioned many murmurs, the gentlemen
personally attendant on royalty were cut down from
thirty to four, vnth two pages; and the monarch
drew up, in. his own hand, some principal matters
relative to domestic and foreign policy, upon which
he required the immediate advice of his Privy Coun-
cil. They must consider, he said, the state of the
strengths and munitions, and the necessary provision
to be made for the defence of the kingdom, in case of
foreign invasion ; the treaties required to be entered
> MS. Lett«r, St. P. Off., 31st May, 1590, Bowes to Buighley.
1690. JAMES VI. 49
into, for the preservation of foreign amity ; the best
measures to be adopted for the procuring secret
foreign intelligence; the "griefs of the nobility and
people, as well against the King as the government
of his councillors; the necessity of a rigid investi-
gation into the true state of the realm;" the "ettling"^
and disposition of the nobility, and other persons of
power and credit : they must discover who were well
affected to the true religion, who carried away by
the persuasion of Jesuits and Papists; what was the
best medicine to cure diversities in religion, and heal
the bloody wounds occasioned by feuds and family
quarrels ; what were the true causes of the decay of
the rents of the Crown ; and lastly, they must point
out the best method to enforce obedience to the acts
of the last Parliament, and declare what properly
belonged to every office of the estate. Such were the
grave and weighty matters which the King now
brought before his Council.^
But these were not all : the monarch had resolved
to exert his utmost efforts to heal the wounds, not of
Scotland only, but of Europe, by establishing a peace
between England and Spain. To effect this, he de-
spatched Colonel Stewart and Sir John Skene on a
mission to the Princes of Germany, to persuade the
Palsgrave, the Duke of Saxony, the Marquess of Bran-
denburg,and the restof thesepotentates,of the absolute
^ The ''eUling," the ''aim." To ettfe, to aim. The aim and
leading objeota of the nobles.
« MS. St. P. Off. Heads for our Privy Comicil, May, 1590.
Set down by the King of Soots.
VOL. IX. K
50 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND, 1590.
necessity of interfering between these two mighty
powers ; and to reconunend them to send ambassadors
to England, France, and Spain, who might remonstrate
onthe miserable consequences of the continuance of the
war* If Spain were obstinate, a general league was
to be concluded amongst the Princes for the preser-
vation of '* the common cause of true religion, and
their ports were to be shut against Philip till he was
reduced to reason." ^
These great designs the King communicated to
Elizabeth by Sir John Carmichael, whom he sent to
the English Court with a copy of the Instructions
furnished to his German ambassadors; and, as his
exchequer was at this time utterly impoverished, he
requested that Princess to lend him sufficient to de-
fray the expenses of their voyage; declaring his
readiness, in return, to place upon his Privy Council
any nobleman whom she recommended, and to exert
his utmost strength in crushing the Roman Catholic
faction, who were renewing their intrigues with Spain.^
The " Band " or Covenant, which united Huntly,
Enrol, and their associates, in their recent treasonable
enterprise, had been traced to the hands of the Laird
of Auchendown, and Maitland the Chancellor insisted
on its being produced ; assuring Elizabeth, with whom
he was then in great favour, that the association should
be broken up or Huntly wrecked for ever.*
^ MS. Letter, St. P. Off. Bowes to Barghley, 4th Jane, 1590.
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Buighley, 9th Jane, 1590.
' MS. St P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 4th Jane, 1590. It
was aboat this time that Bowes pkoed in James' hands a letter
1590. JAMES VI. 51
To confirm the monarch in such good purposes,
the Queen of England sent him the Garter by the
Earl of Worcester, who arrived in Edinburgh during
the sitting of that Convention from which such im*
portant reformations were to have proceeded. James
accepted the Queen's presents and letter in excellent
part ; congratulated himself on having so worthy a
knight-companion as the French King, (Henry had
just been chosen a knight of the order ;) and held some
merry talk with Worcester on the cause of the Scot-
tish Queen's invisibility, her Majesty being then in the
family way, and pretending it was only the tooth-
ache.^ But, on proceeding from these lighter subjects
to speak of the intended reformations, it was evident,
even to the superficial observation of a stranger like
Worcester, that the course of improvements would be
beset with difficulties. When reformation of justice
was debated, the Lords of Session professed, indeed,
the utmost readiness to amend all ; and two of their
irrit by ber Majesty's own band. It alluded to bis great design
for tbe reestabliflbment of peace; and was more free from tbe
inrolntion and pedantry wbiob mark ber priyate letters tban many
of ber epistles. It assured bim tbat sbe was bappy to find bim
80 grateful a King, tbat sbe bigbly approved of bis purpose, and
that notbing could equal tbe careful tbougbts for bim and bis realm
wbicb bad occupied her since bis peregrination. ^' And so,'' said
she, " I leave scribbling, but never end to love you and assist you
with my friendship, care, and prayer to the living Ood to send
yon all prosperous success, and bis Holy Spirit for guide."'
' MS. St. P. Off., Earl of Worcester to Bnrgbley, Edinbuigb,
15th June, 1590.
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off. Royal Letters, Scotland. Elizabeth to JameB.
52 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1590.
r
number, Mr David Mackgill and Mr John Graham,
indulged very freely and bitterly in mutual accu-
sations of bribery and corruption ; but the rest
pleaded their privilege, granted by Act of Parlia-
ment, to " try themselves." With regard to the Kirk,
when its leaders insisted that every parish should
be provided with a minister, and every minister with
a stipend, no objection was made by the nobles to
the proposal, in general ; but " the possessors of the
Church lands declared their determination not to
surrender any portion of their tacks and leases unless
the remainder should be secured to them in fee-simple
for ever."^
In the end, however, some points were gained,
which pleased both James and the English Queen,
who now acted together with much cordiality.
The choice of the King's Secret Council was left to
his own will, and Elizabeth knew she would be chiefly
consulted. The monarch, strengthened by the ap-
proval of the wisest sort, led by the Chancellor, held
the Roman Catholic faction in awe ; restrained the
insolence of Both well; insisted on the appearance and
delivery of all " at the horn,*' who had hitherto defied
the law; took steps for the speedy and amicable
settlement of all Border causes; adopted measures to
amend the coin which had been much debased ; and,
whilst he continued his favour towards the Kirk, did
not scruple to silence some of the wilder sort of
the brethren who, in their public sermons, had
attacked the Queen of England for her recent
' MS. St. P. Off., Worcester to Burghley, 15th June, 1590.
1590. JAMES VL 53
severity to the English Puritans. On this last sub-
ject, the excesses of the Puritans, Elizabeth felt
keenly ; and her far-sighted glance had already de-
tected the dangers of a sect then only in their infancy,
but professing principles which she deemed incon-
sistent with the safety of any well-goyemed State.
Worcester had received pointed instructions in the
matter;^ and the Queen herself, when she dismissed
Sir John Carmichael the Scottish Ambassador, en-
forced her wishes in a private letter to James, which is
too characteristic to be omitted. It is as follows : —
" Greater promises, more affection, and grants of
more acknowledgings of received good turns, my dear
brother, none can better remember than this gentle-
man, by your charge, hath made me understand;
whereby I think all my endeavours well recompensed,
that see them so well acknowledged ; and do trust
that my counsels, if they so much content you, will
serve for memorials to turn your actions to serve the
turn of your safe government, and make the lookers-
on honour your worth, and reverence such a ruler.
*' And lest fair semblances, that easily may beguile,
do not breed your ignorance of such persons as either
pretend religion or dissemble devotion, let me warn
you that there is risen, both in your realm and mine,
a sect of perilous consequence, such as would have no
Kings, but a presbytery ; and take our place, while
they enjoy our privilege, with a shade of God's Word,
which none is judged to follow right, without by
> MS. St. P. Off., 1590. Memorial of sundry things moved to
Ike King of Scots hy the Ambassador of England.
54 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1590.
f
their censure they be so deemed. Yea, look we well
unto them. When they have made in our people's
hearts a doubt of our religion — and that we err, if
they say so — what perilous issue this may make I
rather think than mind to write. Sapienfi patwa.
I pray you stop the mouths, or make shorter the
tongues of such ministers as dare presume to make
oraisons in their pulpits for the persecuted in Eng-
land for the gospel. Suppose you, my dear brother,
that I can tolerate such scandals of my sincere go-
vernment? No: I hope, however you be pleased
to bear with their audacity towards yourself, yet you
will not suffer a strange king receive that indignity
at such caterpillers' hands, that instead of fruit I am
afraid will stuff your realm with venom : of this I
have particularized more to this bearer, together with
other answers to his charge ; beseeching you to hear
them, and not to give more harbour to vagabond
traitors and seditious inventors, but to return them
to me, or banish them your land. And thus, with
my many thanks for your honourable entertainment
of my ambassador, [she means here the Earl of
Worcester,] I commit you to God; who ever preserve
you from all evil counsels, and send you grace to
follow the best !"^ To these wishes of Elizabeth
both James and his Prime Minister, the Chancellor
Maitland, responded with the utmost readiness. In-
deed, the Qeeen could scarcely resent the excesses
> MS. St. P. Off. Royal Letters. Copy of the time, indorsed 6th
July, 1 590. Copy of her Majestie's letter, written to the King
of Scot?, with her own hand, and sent by Sir John Carmichael.
1590. JAMES VI. 55
of the Puritan clei^ more violently than her brother
Prince; although, from their influence over the people,
he was compelled sometimes to temporize. The
ministers, accordingly, were commanded to forbear
prayer in their sermons for the persecuted in Eng-
land;^ and equal activity was shown against the
intrigues of the Spaniards and the Catholic faction.
When O'Rourke, an Irish chieftain, was detected in
Glasgow, secretly beating up for recruits against the
English, the King of Scots scrupled not to have him
seized and delivered to Elizabeth. '' I would to God,"
s^d he, writing to the queen, " your greatest enemies
were in my hands; if it were the King of Spain
himself^ he should not be long undelivered to you :
for that course have I taken me to, and will profess
it till I die, that all your foes shall be common ene-
mies to us both, in spite of the Pope, the King of
Spain, and all the leaguers, my cousins not excepted,
and the devil their master."'
In return for this devotion to her wishel^, Eliza-
beth, foigetting her economy, transmitted, at various
intervals, large sums to the King, complimented the
yonng Queen vrith presents, and flattered her by
letters; whilst the Chancellor, who had now consoli-
dated his power, and could bid deflance to his oppon-
ents, entered into a cordial correspondence with
Burghley. He reminded him of the ''old familiar
> MS. St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 14th August, 1590.
* M& Letter, St P. Off. Boyal Letters. Indorsed, The King
of Soots' letter to the Queen's Majesty, by Roger Ashton, 22d
March, 1590-1.
56 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. * 1590.
acquaintance and strict amity" which had subsisted
between him and his late brother, the well-known
Lethington; and declared his readiness and anxiety to
show himself worthy of the Lord Treasurer's friendly
dealing and gentle messages sent recently by Car-
michael. Speaking modestly of his own inferiority,
he yet hoped that their mutual exertions would be
followed by the best effects. " If," said he, " this micro-
cosme of Britain, separate from the Continent world,
naturally joined in situation and language, and, most
happily, by religion, shall be, by the indissoluble &mity
of the two princes, sincerely conserved in union, the
Antichristian confederates shall never be able to effect
their bloody and godless measures." In conclusion,
he promised, that whilst Burghley, by his large ex-
perience and wisdom, held the Roman Catholic party
in check, to " the benefit of all sincerely professing
Christ in Europe," he would himself keep a watchful
eye over their proceedings in Scotland;^ and so rigidly
did he fulfil this, that, before the end of the year,
watchfulness was turned into persecution, and the
Catholics in vain petitioned for liberty of conscience,
and pleaded the cruelty of being compelled to sub-
scribe the Protestant Articles of religion.* Under
such circumstances, it is not surprising that their
intrigues with Spain and the Continent should have
continued ; and that, although Bowes, the Ambas-
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Lord Thirlstaue to the Lord nigh
Treasurer, 13th August, 1590.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 7th Nov., 1590.
1590. JAMES VI. 57
sador, infonned Burghley that the state of Scotland
had been bronght to great quietness, it was that
deceitful calm which not unfrequently precedes the
tempest.^
For a while, however, all went on smoothly; and
the King found leisure to become exceedingly active
and agitated upon a subject which forms a melan-
choly and mysterious chapter in the history of the
human mind — ^that of witchcraft. That many unfor-
tunate and miserable beings, driven by poverty and
want, by suspicion and persecution* by the desire of
vengeance, the love of power, or a daring curiosity
after forbidden knowledge, had renounced their bap-
tismal vows, and entered, as they believed, into a
compact with the author of all evil, cannot be doubted.
The difficulty is, to discover whether they were the
victims of their own imagination, the dupes of
impostors, or, which is not to be rejected as im-
possible or incredible, the subjects and recipients of
diabolic influence and agency. During the summer
of this year, the young Laird of Wardhouse had been
seized with a mortal sickness which had carried him
to the grave; and it was discovered that several
witches had formed his image in wax, which hav-
ing " roasted at a slow fire, the gentleman,'' it was
said, ** pined away insensibly, but surely, till he died/'*
This was alarming enough ; but in the winter still
darker deeds came to light, involving higher culprits
^ MS. St. P. Off., Bowes to Burglilcy.
» MS. I^etter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burglley, 23d July, 1590.
56 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1590.
and more daring tran&actions. Agnes Sampson, a
woman, as Spottiswood says, '' not of the base or
ignorant sort of witches, but matronlike, grave, and
settled in her answers," accused Bothwell of consult-
ing her as to the probable continuance of the King's
life; and Richard Graham^ a notorious sorcerer,
averred that the Earl had sought him on the same
errabd. Agnes declared, when questioned by the
judges, that ** she had a familiar spirit, who upon her
call, appeared in a visible form, and resolved her of
any doubtful matters, especially concerning life and
death. The mode in which she sunmioned him was
by calling out " Holla, Master !" an invocation which
he had taught her himself. She added, that he had
undertaken to make away with the King, but had
foiled ; pronouncing him, (when challenged by her for
his want of success,) to be invulnerable to his incan-
tations, and muttering, in a language which she did
not understand, but which turned out to be respect-
aWe French, " // est homme de Dieu''^ Of James'
labours with this miserable woman, who was con-
demned and burnt, Bowes wrote to Burghley. The
King, hd said, by his own especial travel, had drawn
Sampson, the great witch, to confess plainly her
wicked estate and doings, and to discover sundry
things touching his own life ; how the witches sought
to have had his shirt, or other linen about him, for the
execution of their charms. In these doings the Lord
Claud's name was implicated, and sundry other noble
^ Spottiswood, p. 383.
1590-1. JAMES vr. 59
personages evil spoken of. The number of the witches
known, were (he added) ab6ut thirty; but many
others were accused of acts filthy, lewd, and fantas*
tical.^ On a future occasion, the royal curiosity and
acuteness were rewarded by the discovery of more
particulars involving the guilt of Bothwell. They
came out in an examination to which James subjected
the vnzard Richard Graham, who, upon some hope
held out of pardon, confessed that Bothwell sought
to draw him to devise some means to hasten the
King's death, alleging that he was driven to this to
avoid his own ; since a necromancer in Italy had
predicted to him that he should become great in
power and temporal possession, kill two men, fall
into trouble with the King for two capital crimes,
be pardoned for the first and suffer for the second.
The three first events, he averred, had taken place
as foretold him : he had become a mighty baron, had
killed Sir William Stewart, and Dame the Demly
meaning David Hume of Manderston; been once par-*
doned ; and now he or the King must go. Graham
agreed to assist him ; and James had the satisfaction
of hearing some particulars of the incantation. An
image of the royal person was formed of wax, and
hung up between a tod or fox, over which some spells
had been muttered, and the head of a young calf,
newly killed. It was added that all this was well
known to Jely Duncan, who is described by Bowes
as a kind of whipper-in to the witches, being accus-
» MS. Letter, St. P. Oflf^ Bowes to Burghley, 7th Dec, ir)90.
60 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1591.
tomed to scour the country and collect together all
the Satanic fraternity and sisterhood. But although
she admitted, at first, their dealings with Bothwell,
she afterwards denied all ; and, as these unfortunate
wretches were so severely tortured that one of them
died under the rack, it is impossible to receive their
evidence without the utmost suspicion.* Bothwell,
however, amid loud asseverations of innocence, was
seized and sent to prison, and an early Convention of
the Estates called for his trial. But the evidence, by
the King's own admission, was slender; the nobles
seemed unwilling to countenance any violent proceed-
ings against him ; and the matter was so long delayed,
that his fierce temper would endure confinement no
longer; and breaking his prison, he buried himself
amongst his friends and fastnesses in the Borders.^
This result greatly irritated the King, who consoled
himself by bringing to trial one of the leading witches,
named Barbara Napier, a woman well connected, and
of whose conviction he entertained no doubt. To his
astonishment, the jury did not conceive the evidence
sufficient, and acquitted her. The verdict threw
James into the greatest rage ; yet it was difficult to
know what was now to be done. An assize of error,
as it was called, was a proceeding known and prac-
tised by the law of England, but it had never been
introduced into Scotland ; nor had it been heard of
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 15tli April,
1591.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 5tli May, 1591.
Also, Ibid., same to same, 22d June, IdOl.
1591. JAMES VI. 61
for centuries, that the King should sit in person as a
judge in any criminal matter. James, however, shut
bis eyes to all difficulties, and determined to bring the
refractory jurors to justice.^ Accordingly, on the 7th
of June, repairing from Falkland, he sat in person on
the trial of the delinquents. All of them pleaded
guilty, and put themselves, as it was then termed, in
the King's will, so that there was little scope given
to the exercise of regal acuteness. He made an
oration, however, some sentences of which give a good
picture of the style of his oratory; often pedantic and
tedious, but not unfrequently epigrammatic and sen-
tentious. Alluding to the shocking state of the
country and the prevalence of crimes, " I must ad-
vertise you," said he, '^ what it is that makes great
crimes to be so rife in this country; namely, that all
men set themselves more for friend than for justice
and obedience to the laws. This corruption here
baims suck at tlte pap ; and let a man commit the
most filthy crimes that can be, yet his friends take
his part ; and first keep him from apprehension, and
after, by fead or favor, by false assize, or some way
or other, they find moyen of his escape. The experi-
ence hereof we have in Niddry. I will not speak
how I am charged with this fault in court and choir,
from prince and pulpit ; yet this I say, that how-
soever matters have gone against my will, I am
innocent of all injustice in these behalfs. My con-
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, OtL May, 151)1.
Ibid., same to same, 21 st May.
62 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1591.
science doth set me clear, as did the conscience of
Samuel ; and I call you to be judges herein. And
suppose I be your King, yet I submit myself to the
accusations of you, my subjects, in this behalf; and
let any one say what I have done. And as I have
this begun, so purpose I to go forward ; not because
I am James Stuard, and can command so many thou-
sands of men, but because God hath made me a King
and judge, to judge righteous judgment.
"For witchcraft, which is a thing grown very com-
mon among us, I know it to be a most abominable
sin ; and I have been occupied these three quarters of
a year for the sifting out of them that are guilty
herein. We are taught by the laws, both of Grod
and man, that this sin is most odious ; and by God's
law pupishable by death. By man's law it is called
Maleficium or Venefidumy an ill deed, or a poisonable
deed, and punishable likewise by death. Now, if it
be death as practised against any of the people, I
must needs think it to be (at least) the like if it be
against the King. Not that I fear death; for I
thank God I dare in a good cause abide hazard." * *
"As for them," he concluded, "who think these
witchcrafts to be but fantasies, I remit them to be
catechised and instructed in these most evident
points."*
James, perhaps, felt somewhat doubtful upon
the subject of his personal courage, and was aware
» MS. St. P. Off. The inquest which first went upon Barbara
Nep., called before the King in the Tolbooth, 7th June, 1591.
1591. JAMES VI. 63
that his subjects shared in his apprehensions ; but he
was little aware how soon his courage and determi-
nation were to be put to the test, by the frightful state
of the country and the frequent attacks upon the royal
person. So, however, it happened Between private
feuds, the continuance of Catholic intrigues, the active
and indignant counter-movements of the Kirk, and the
open rebellion of Both well, whose power and reckless
bravery made him formidable to all parties, the whole
land was thrown into a deplorable state of tumult
and insecurity. In the Highlands, the Earl of Huntly
and the Earl of Murray, two of the greatest houses
in the North, engaged in a deadly quarrel, which drew
in the lairds of Grant, Calder, Macintosh, and others,
and made the fairest districts a prey to indiscriminate
havoc and murder.^ At Court all was commotion
and apprehension from the rivalry of the Master of
Glammis, who began to be a favourite of the King,
and Chancellor Thirlstane, who would brook no rival
in power.^ On the Borders, Bothwell welcome4
eveiy broken man and cruel murderer who chose to
ride under his banner. Some time previous to the
trials of the witches, this daring chief had invaded
the Supreme Court, and carried off a witness from the
bar, who was about to give evidence against one
of his retainers, whilst the King, although in the
next room, did not dare to interfere.' After his
1 MS. St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 7th Dec., 1590. Ibid.,
Loid Thirktane to Bn^ghley, 7th Dec., 1590.
s MS. St. P. Off., Bowes to Baighley, 20th Nov., 1590.
' MS. Si. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 25th Jan., 1590-1.
64 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1591.
escape and triumph, his fierce temper impelled him
to still greater excesses ; and attacking the Palace of
Holyrood at the head of his desperate followers, he
had nearly surprised and made prisoners both the
King and the Chancellor. Douglas of Spot, however,
one of the principal leaders in this attack, lost time,
by attempting to set at liberty some of his men who
were imprisoned in the Palace. An alarm was given :
the King took refuge in one of the turrets; the
Chancellor barricaded his room, and bravely beat off
the assailants ; whilst the citizens of Edinburgh, head-
ed by their Provost, rushed into the outer court of
the Palace, and cutting their way through the outer
ranks of the Borderers, compelled Bothwell to a
precipitate flight.^ He 'soon, however, became as
formidable as ever ; entered into a secret correspon-
dence with England; leagued vnth the Duke of
Lennox, who had quarrelled with Thirlstane ; procur-
ed the countenance of the Kirk, by professing the
most determined hostility to Huntly and the Catholic
faction; and flattered himself, not without good
grounds, that his next attack would be successful.
Meanwhile a tragedy occurred, which, even in that
age, familiar with scenes of feudal atrocity, occasioned
unusual horror. The reader may perhaps remember
the utter destruction brought by the Ilegent Murray
upon the great Earl of Huntly ; his execution, and
that of one of his sons, the forfeiture of his immense
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Roger Aehton to Bowes, 28th Dec,
1591. Also, Ibid., Buwes to Burghley, 31st Dec., 1591.
1591. JAMES vj. 65
estates, and the almost entire overthrow of his house. ^
It was now thirty years since that miserahle event :
the favour of the King had restored the family of
Gordon to its estates and its honours, and Huntly's
ambition might have been satisfied ; but the deep prin-
ciple of feudal vengeance demanded blood for blood ;
and there was not a retainer of the house of Huntly,
from the belted knight that sat at his master's right
hand to the serving-man behind his chair, who did not
acknowledge the sacred necessity of revenge. Time,
which softens or dilutes most feelings, only added
intensity to this ; and now when the hour of repay-
ment was come, the debt was exacted with fearful
interest. The then Earl of Murray, a Stewart, and
representative of the famous R^ent, was one of the
bravest and handsomest men of his time ; a favourite
at Court, and dear to the people and the Kirk, who
still looked fondly back to the days of his great
ancestor. In deeds of arms and personal prowess,
an old chronicle describes him as a sort of Amadis ;
''comely, gentle, brave, and of a great stature and
strength of body."' This young nobleman had princely
possessions in the North, and for some years dead-
ly fend had raged between him and Huntly; but
Lord Ochiltree, a Stewart, a firm friend of Murray's,
was at this time exerting himself to bring about an
agreement between the two barons ; and had so far
succeeded, that Murray, with a slender retinue, left
I See supra, vol. vi. p. 308-313.
^ Uutorie of James the Sext, p. 24G.
VOL. IX. ^
66 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1591.
his northern fastnesses, and came to his mother's
castle of Dunibristle, a short distance from the
Queensferry. Huntly, his enemy, was then at Conrt
in constant attendance upon the King; and Ochiltree,
who had communicated with him, and informed him
of Murray's wishes for a reconciliation, took horse
and rode to Queensferry, intending to pass to Duni-
bristle and arrange an amicable meeting between the
rival Earls. To his surprise, he found that a royal
order had been sent, interdicting any boats from ply-
ing that day between Fife and the opposite coast.
But little suspicion was occasioned : he believed it
some measure connected with the hot pursuit then
going on against Bothwell, and was satisfied to
abandon his journey to Dunibristle. This proved the
destruction of his poor friend. That very day, the
7th of February, the King hunted; and Huntly, giving
out that he meant to accompany the royal cavalcade,
assembled his followers to the number of forty horse.
Suddenly he pretended that certain news had reached
him of the retreat of Bothwell ; extorted from the
King permission to ride against this traitor; and
passing the ferry, beset the house of Dunibristle,
and summoned Murray to surrender. This was re-
fused; and, in spite of the great disparity in numbers,
the Stewarts resisted till nightfall, when Huntly, col-
lecting the corn-stacks, or ricks, in the neighbouring
fields, piled them up against the walls, commanded
the house to be set on fire, and compelled its unhappy
inmates to make a desperate sally that they might
escape being burnt alive. In this outbreak the
1591. JAMES VI. 67
Sheriff of Murray was slain ; but the young Earl,
aided by his great stature and strength, rushed forth
all burned and blackened, with his long and beautiful
tresses on fire and streaming behind him, threw him-
self with iresistible fury on his assailants, broke
through the toils like a lion,^ and escaped by speed of
foot to the sea shore. Here, unfortunately, his hair and
the silken plume of his helmet blazed through the dark-
ness; and his fell pursuers, tracing him by the trail of
light, ran him into a cave, where they cruelly murdered
him. His mortal wound, it was said, was given by Gor-
don of Buckie, who, with the ferocity of the times, see-
ing Huntly drawing back, cursed him as a&aid to go as
far as his followers, and called upon him to stab his
&llen enemy with his dagger, and become art and
part of the slaughter, as he had been of the conspir-
acy. Huntly, thus threatened, struck the dying man in
the face with his weapon, who, with a bitter smile,
upbraided him *' with having spoilt a better face than
his own.**'
The outcry against this atrocious murder was deep
and universal. Ochiltree, who had been deceived by
Huntly and the Chancellor, became loud in his
clamours for revenge. In the North, Lord Forbes,
an attached friend of Murray, carried his bloody
shirt on a spear*s head; and marching with the
ghastly banner through his territories, incited his
' The simile is Ashton's, in a letter to Bowes.
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Roger Ashton to Bowes, 8th Feb.,
1591-2. Also, Ibid., same to same, 9th Feb., 1591-2,
68 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 1591.
followers to revenge. In the capital, the Lady
Donne, mother of the murdered Earl, who with her
daughters had narrowly escaped death at Dnnibristie,
exhibited the mangled corpses of her son and his
faithful follower the Sheriff of Murray in the church
Urt Leith ; and Huntly, followed everywhere by a yell
of public execration, fled first to Ravensheugh, a
castle of Sinclair Baron of Roslin, and afterwards
to his own country in the North.
Amid all this tumult and ardent demands for in-
stant justice and vengeance, the King exhibited such
indifference, that strange suspicions arose, not only
against James, but his great adviser the Chancellor,
between whom and Huntly there had arisen, for some
time before Murray's murder, a suspicious familiarity.
Huntly pleaded a royal conmiission for everything
he had done. It was known that the King had been
deeply incensed against Murray by a report that he
had abetted Bothwell in his late attempt, and had
even been seen with him in the palace on the night
of the attack. It was remembered that Ochiltree
had been prevented, as was alleged, by a royal order
sent through the Chancellor, from passing the ferry
on the day of the murder; and the gossip of the
Court went even so far as to say, that the young
Queen's favour for Murray had roused the royal jeal-
ousy. All this was confirmed, as may well be be-
lieved, when Huntly, being summoned to deliver
himself up and take his trial, obeyed with alacrity;
entered into ward in Blackness c^tle; and after a
1592. JAMES VL 69
trifling invegtigation was dismissed and pardoned.^
Agamst this gross partiality, Ochiltree, Lennox, Athol,
and the whole friends of the murdered lord, loudly
remonstrated. Bothwell,aStewart,andcousin*gennan
to Murray, availing himself of this favourable contin-
gency, united his whole strength with theirs. The
Kirk, indignant at the King^s &voQr for Hontly, the
head of the Roman Catholics, threw all its weight
into the same scale; and James soon found that
Murray's death, slightly as he regarded it at first,
drew after it &tal and alarming effects. In the North,
the Earl of Athol, with the Lairds of Macintosh,
Grant, Lovat, and their followers, carried fire and
sword into Huntly's country, and kindled throu^out
that region innumerable lesser feuds and quarrels,
which, like the moor»buming of their own savage
districts, spread from glen to glen, and mountain to
mountain, till half the land seemed in a blaze.* In
the South, the Chancellor Maitland was no longer
able to guide the Government with his usual steady
and determined hand. Hitherto he had defied all
Court storms, and made a bold head against bis ene-
mies ; but his implication as a conspirator with
Huntly in the murder of Murray, at first only sus-
pected, but now, from some recent discoveries, abso-
lutely certain, raised against him a universal detesta-
' Historie of James the Sext, p. 248.
^ Hoyse's Memoirs, p. 98. MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes
to Buighley, Ist Jan. 1592-3. Also, Ibid., Bowes to Burgfaley,
21st Nov., 1592.
70 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1692.
tion; the hatred of the people added new strength to
his opponents, and he was driven from Court. ^
This retreat of his chief adviser weakened James.
Elizabeth's coldness also annoyed him; and his un-
easiness was changed into indignation, when he
discovered that she looked favourably upon Both-
well ; and that this traitorous subject, who had so
lately invaded and dishonoured him, was in corre-
spondence with her ministers. It was necessary,
however, to dissemble his feelings, as the difficulties
which now surrounded him were of a complicated
kind. It had recently been his policy to balance
the two great factions which divided the country,
the Catholic and Protestant, as equally as possible:
so that into whichever scale he threw the weight of
his own authority it might preponderate. This mode
of government, borrowed from Elizabeth, was more
difficult to be carried through with success in Scot-
land than in the neighbouring country, not only from
the superiority in vigour and intellect possessed by
that Princess over James, but from the greater feudal
strength of the nobility of Scotland, and the greater
weakness of the royal prerogative in that kingdom.
In England various causes had concurred to destroy
the greater barons; the wars of the two Roses were
especially fatal to them; and it is well known that
the reign of Henry the Eighth had been the grave of
many of those potent families who, before that time,
were in the habit of dictating to the Crown. But
* Moyse's Memoirs, p. 97. MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to
BurgUey, 17th Dec., 1592.
1592. JAMES VI. 71
in Scotland not only were the feudal prerogativeB
more large, but the arm of the law was weaker; and
the great houses, such aa Hamilton, Argyll, Mar,
Huntly, Douglas, and Stewart, were fresh and in
vigonr. Of idl this the King was so well aware, that
whML Bowes the English Ambassador on one occa-
sion complained to him, that his reforms were eyer
in fieri not in posse^ James answered, that to reform
such nobles as he had, would require the lives of three
Kings.^
There can be no doubt, however, that James,
although clearly foreseeing the difficulties he viras
likely to encounter, had determined to weaken
and suppress, as for as possible, the greater barons;
and had resolved, by every means in his power,
to strengthen the Crown, raise up the middle classes
and the lesser barons; and so balance and equalize
the various powers of the constitution, that he
should be able to hold the reins with a firm hand.
There is a passage of a letter of Hudson's, one of
the King's favourites, and a gentleman of his Court,
which points to this, and shows that, although
James greatly favoured the Chancellor, he waa more
his ovm minister than has been believed. Elizabeth,
it appears, alarmed by some recent favours shown to
Huntly, had instructedHudson to gain this high officer,
hoping through him to influence the King; to which
Hudson replied to Burghley, that the common opinion
that James followedMaitland's guidancewas an error;
that the King wm " himself the very centre of the
> MS. Letter, St P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 25tfa Jan., 1590-1.
72 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1592.
GoTernment, and moved the Chancellor and all the
rest BS he turned, minions and all. Although (he
continued) he bestow fetvonr in great measure upon
sundries, it doth not follow that he is directed by
them. The Chancellor is a great councillor, and the
King seeth that his gifts merit his place; but he
followeth directly his Majesty's course in all."^
Acting along with this able minister, James had
hitherto been able to hold in check the power of the
higher nobles, and to keep the country in somethii^
like tranquillity. But the murder of Murray, the im-
plication of the Chancellor and suspected connivance
of the Kmg in this foul transaction; the compulsory
retirement of Maitland, and the formidable combin-
ation which had taken place between the majority
of the higher nobles and the Earl of Bothwell, threw
the monarch into alarm, and forced him upon some
measures which, under other circumstances, he would
scarcely have adopted. His late &vour to Huntly
had damaged him in the affections of the Kirk: he
now resolved to court its aid and to flatter it by un-
wonted concessions. These it is important to notice,
as they led tp no less a measure than the establish-
ment of Presbytery by a Prince to whom this form
of ecclesiastical government appears to have been
especially obnoxious. The acts passed in the par-
liament 1584, against the discipline and privil^s
of the Kirk, had long been a thorn in the side of the
ministers ; and they now, in an Assembly held some
time previous to the meeting of Parliament, resolved
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Iludsou to Burgliley, 7th Dec., 1591.
1592. JAMES VL 73
to petition the King, not only for the abolition of
these obnoxions statntes, but for a solemn legislative
establishment of the Presbyterian system of chnich
gOYemment.
Accordingly, Parliament having assembled in
June 1592, the Assembly presented the four following
articles or requests to the King : —
1. That the acts of Parliament made in the year
1584 against the discipline and liberty of the Kirk,
should be repealed, and the present discipline be
ratified.
2. That the act of Annexation should be abolished,
and the patrimony of the Kirk restored.
3. That Abbots, Priors, and other Prelates pre-
tending to ecclesiastical authority, and giving their
vote in matters without any delegated power from
the Kirk, should not be hereafter permitted to vote
in Parliament or other Convention ; and lastly,
4. That the land, which was polluted by fearful
idolatry and bloodshed, should be purged.^
The first article, which went to rescind the acts of
1584, was long and keenly debated : for James was
acute enough to detect the increased power which this
must give to the ministers; and it is certain that no
change had taken place in the mind of the monarch
as to the daggers to be apprehended from the turbu-
lence and independence of these bold and able men.
The republican principles, the austere morality,
and the extreme pulpit license of the Kirk, were
» CaWerwood, pp. 267, 2C8.
74 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1592.
wholly opposed to all his ideas of ecclesiastical polity
or civil goyemment; but Maitland, who had now
resumed his inflnence, though still absent from Court,
was solicitous to conciliate the friends of the mur-
dered Murray, and to appease the people ; and assist-
ing the Kirk at this moment with the full weight of
his influence and advice, the King, more from policy
than affection, assented to the proposal. An act,
accordingly, was passed, which is still regarded as
the " Charter of the Liberties of the Kirk."
It ratified its system of government by General
Assemblies, provincial Synods, Presbyteries, and
particular Sessions. It affirmed such courts, with
the jurisdiction and discipline belonging to them, to
be just, good, and godly; defined their powers, ap-
pointed the time and manner of their meeting, and
declared that the acts passed in 1584 should be in no
ways prejudicial to the privil^es of the office-bearers
in the Kirk in determining heads of religion, matters
of heresy, questions of excommunication, appointment
and deprivation of ministers ; that another act of the
same Parliament granting commissions to Bishops
to receive the royal presentations to bishoprics, and to
give collation, should be rescinded ; and that all pre-
sentations should be directed to their particular pres-
byteries, with full power to give collation and decide
all ecclesiastical causes within their bounds, under
the proviso that they admitted such ministers as were
presented by the King or other lay patrons.^
' M^Crie's Life of Melvil, p. 403. Aikman's Translation of
1592. JAMES VI. 75
Had the Kirk contented itself with these triumphs,
and rested satisfied in the King's present dispositions^
which appeared wholly in its fayour, all things might
hare remained quiet : for the Catholics, convinced of
the madness of their projects, were ready to abstain
from all practices inimical to the religion of the State,
on the single condition that they shonld not be perse-
cuted for their adherence to the ancient faith. But
the Kirk were not disposed to take this quiet course.
The principle of toleration, divine as it assuredly is
in its origin, yet so late in its recognition even
amongst the best men, was then utterly unknown to
either party. Reformed or Catholic. The permission
even of a single case of Catholic worship, however
secret, — ^the attendance of a solitary individual at a
single mass, in the remotest district of the land, at
the dead hour of night, in the most secluded chamber,
and where none could come but such as knelt before
the altar for conscience' sake, and in all sincerity of
soul, — such worship, and its permission for an hour,
was considered an open encouragement of Antichrist
andldolatry. To extinguish the Mass for ever, to com<*
pel its supporters to embrace what the Kirk considered
to be the purity of Presbyterian truth, and this under
the penalties of life and limb, or in its mildest form
of treason, banishment, and forfeiture, was considered
not merely praiseworthy but a point of high religious
duty ; and the whole apparatus of the Kirk, the whole
Bacbanan's History of Scotland; with a Continuation to the Pre-
sent Time, vol. iii. pp. 185, 186.
76 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1592.
inqnifiitorial machinery of detection and persecution,
was brought to bear upon the accomplishment of
these great ends. Are we to wonder that, under
such a state of things, the intrigues of the Catholics
for the overturn of a government which sanctioned
such a system continued ; that when they knew, or
suspected that the King himself was averse to per-
secution, they were encouraged to renew their in-
tercourse with Spain ; and to hope that a new out-
break, if properly directed, might lead either to the
destruction of a rival faith, or to the establishment of
liberty of conscience.
A discovery which occurred at this time corrobor-
ates these remarks, and drew after it important con-
sequences. The Kirk, in the course of its inquisitions,
in which it was assisted by Sir Robert Bowes, the
resident English Ambassador, received certain infor-
mation that George Ker, a Catholic gentleman and
brother of the Abbot of Newbottle, was secretly
passing into Spain with important letters. Upon
this, Mr Andrew Knox minister of Paisley, setting off
with a body of armed men furnished by Lord Ross,
traced Ker to Glasgow, and thence to the little isles
of the Cumrays in the mouth of the Clyde, where they
seized him in the night, immediately after he had got
on board the ship which was to carry him to the
Continent ; his luggage was then searched, the packets
of letters found, and he himself hurried a prisoner to
Edinburgh; where the Provost and the citizens,
alarmed by the reports which had already reached
tliem, received hira with shouts of triumph and exe-
1392. JAMES VI. 77
oration. The unfortuhate man at first attempted to
deny all, and as he had many friends in the Conncil
who opposed severity, was likely to escape ; hnt at the
KiBg^s special command he was put to the tortnre,^
and on the second stroke of the boots confessed the
conspiracy; the main branch of which was to secnre
and hasten the descent of a Spanish force npon the
coast of Scotland. This army was to be joined by
the Earls of Huntly, Errol, and Angus, with Sir
Patrick Gordon of Auchendown, uncle to Huntly, and
other Catholic barons. Amongst the letters seized,
and which appeared to be written by Scottish Jesuits
and seminary priests to their brethren on the Con-
tinent, there were found several signatures of the
Earls of Himtly, Errol, and Angus. These were
written at the bottom of blank sheets of paper, with
the seals of these noblemen attached to them ; from
which circumstance the plot received the name of
the *' Spanish Blanks."' It was at first suspected by
Bowes, who was familiar with all the arcana of con-
spiracy, that the blanks were written over with ink
* MS. Letter,StP.Off., Bowes toBurghley,6thFebTuary,1592-3.
Bowes, writing to Bur^ey, says, *^ Commission is given to Justioe-
Cleik, Blaatyie, and Geoxge Yoong, to offer him the tortore this
day. But many think that he shall suffer the torment without
confession.'*
It appears by a letter of Bowes to the Queen of England,
2l8t January, 1592-3, that Mr Andrew Knox received an assur-
anoe from Elizabeth, that ^'good disposition and regard should
be had of his hibours, charges, perils, and services;" whereupon
Mr Andrew returned into his countiy to search out the haunts
of the English Catholic^ lurking in those parts.
78 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1592*
of white vitriol, prepared ; ^ but it turned out that
they were to be filled up afterwards by Ker» accord-
ing to verbal instructions, and to be delivered to the
Kii^ of Spain.* It may well be imagined that this
discovery — serious enough, certainly, in its known
features, and around which there was that air of
mystery which gave ample scope for aU kinds of
terror and exaggeration — was enough to throw the
Kirk and the people into a state of high excitement.
The Council, having examined the letters, had no
doubt of their authenticity. Sir John Carmichael
and Sir George Hume were sent to the King, who
was at Stirling, to entreat his inmiediate presence.
Angus, then at Edinburgh, and recently returned from
an expedition to the North, was conunitted to the
cafitle of Edinburgh; and proclamation made that
all Jesuits, seminary priests, and exconununicates,
should, within three hours, depart the city on pain
of death.' A Convention of the nobility and Pro-
testant gentry was forthwith held, and, headed by
the ministers, presented themselves at the palace, and
insisted on the instant prosecution and punishment of
the traitors ; declaring their readiness to hazard life
and property in the service. The Queen of Scotland,
and the powerful house of the Setons, earnestly
1 MS. Letter, St P. Off., Bowes to Bui^Uey, Ist January,
1592-3.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Borghley, Idth January,
1592-3.
^ MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 3d January,
1592-3.
1592-3, JAMES VI. 79
interceded for Ker/ who in the end escaped; bnt
Graham of Fintrj, found to be deeply implicated, was
imprisoned ; and Angus' trial and forfeiture was con-
sidered so certain, that the courtiers, wolf-like, began
to smell the prey; and Sir George Hume wrote press-
mgly to Lord Hume, requiring him to come speedily
to Court that he might have his share in the spoils.'
James* conduct at this crisis was both wise and
spirited. He had received information, much about
the same time when the Spanish conspiracy came to
light, ihat his traitorous subject Bothwell, who had
twice invaded his palace and attempted to seize his
person, was received in England and regarded with
favour by Elizabeth. Now was the time, he felt, to
put down Bothwell for ever. He was well aware
that this fierce and formidable insurgent was favoured
secretly by the Kirk, and by many of those nobles
who now insisted upon the instant pursuit of the
Popish earls. He was aware, too, that Elizabeth's
alarm on the discovery of the Spanish Blanks would
prompt her to advise the most severe measures against
the delinquents, and he ably availed himself of all
this. To the Kirk and the Protestant barons he gave
the most friendly reception ; spoke loudly of Angus'
instant forfeiture; and not only agreed to the pursuit
of Huntly, Errol, and their associates, but declared
that he would lead the army in person and seize them
in their northern strongholds. Nor were these mere
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off. Idth Janiuuy, 1592-3.
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Bnrghley, Idth January,
1592-3.
80 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1592-3.
words. Huntly, Errol, and Aucheridown, were com-
manded to enter themselves in ward at St Andrews^
before the 5th Febmary ; public proclamation was
made that all men should be ready, on the 25th of
the same month, with armour and weapons, to march
with the King in person against the traitors if they
failed to deliver themselves ; and various committees
were appointed for the examination of all suspected
persons, belonging either to the nobility, barons,
burgesses, or clergy.^
All this was most gratifying to the Kirk, and
the Protestant leaders amongst the nobility. But,
in return for this, the King demanded as cordial
a cooperation on their side for the attack and
destruction of Bothwell, whose treasons, though
of a different nature, were even more flagrant than
those of the Catholic earls; and this they were
not in a situation to refuse. Having thus secured
the cooperation of the Kirk and the Protestant lords
against Bothwell, James gave audience to Bowes,
who was little prepared for the violence with which
he was to be received. The Ambassador had recently
found himself in a diflScult situation. He had been
familiar with all the plots of Bothwell, and looked
upon them with no unfavourable eye, although he
took care not directly to implicate himself. He had
repeatedly applied to Burghley to receive instructions
and understand the Queen's wishes: but Elizabeth
was too cautious to commit herself; whilst Bowes
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowe9 to BurgUey, 19tU Januaiy,
1392-3.
1593. JAMES VI. 81
knew for certain that she encouraged Bothwell
secretly, and expressed the highest scorn and con-
tempt for Huntly and the Spanish faction, whom she
branded as base traitors who had sold their country.
On this subject Elizabeth, shortly before this,^ had
sent a letter to James, part of which, relating to the
Spanish faction, from its vigour, is worthy of preser-
vation : —
*^ Advance not," said she, ^^ such as hang their hopes
on other strings than you may tune. Them that gold
can corrupt, think not your gifts can assure. Who
once have made shipwreck of their country, let them
never enjoy it. Weed out the weeds, lest the best
com fester. Never arm with power such whose
bitterness must foUow after you ; nor trust not their
trust that under any colour will thrall their own soil.
" I may not, nor will I, conceal overtures that of
late full amply have been made me, how you may
plainly know all the combiners against your State,
and how you may entrap them and so assure your
kingdom. Consider, if this actor doth deserve surety
of life — ^not of land, but such as may preserve breath,
to spend where best it shall please you. When I see
the day, I will impart my advice to whom it most
appertfuns.
"* Now bethink, my dear brother, what farther you
will have me do. In meanwhile, beware to give the
reins into the hands of any, lest it be too late to re-
voke such actions done. Let no one of the Spanish
faction in your absence, yea, when you are present,
1 On the 4tli December, 1592.
VOL. IX. G
82 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
receive strength or countenance. You know, but
for you, all of them be alike for me, for my particular.
Yet I may not deny, without spot or wrinkle, but I
abhor such as set their countiy to sale. And thus,
committing you to God's tuition, I shall remain the
faithful holder of my vowed amity,
" Your most affectionate Sister and Cousin.^ "
What was James' reply to this obscure epigram-
matic epistle is not known ; but very shortly after it
was written, the Spanish conspiracy came to light,
and the Scottish King at the same time discovered
the favour shown to Bothwell in England with the
full countenance of the Queen. Mr Lock, an agent
of Burghley and a near relative of the notorious
intriguer John Colvile, brother to the Laird of Easter
Wemyss, had been sent down to Scotland with in-
structions to form a faction with the Kirk and the
Protestant barons for Bothwell's restoration; and
their plots had proceeded so far, that the attack upon
the palace, which afterwards occurred in the autumn
of this year, would probably have been enterprised
sooner, but for the discovery of the Spanish Blanks.'
Of all these English intrigues James was now aware ;
and when Bowes was admitted to an audience, the
monarch broke into a violent passion. The Queen
of England, he declared, did him foul injustice in
^ Warrender MS., vol. B, p. 361. Indorsed, Delivered by Mr
Bowes, 4th December, 1592.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 27th December,
1592.
1593. JAMES VL 89
eoontenancing a rebel and traitor like Bothwell.
Her subjects received and harboured him, and they
pleaded her warrant to do so. If so, he must ac-
count it done to his scorn and dishonour. However,
he should investigate the matter closely; and should it
turn out so, (this he said loudly, and in the hearing of
many about him,) there was an end to his amity with
the Queen, and with every man in England.
So unwonted a storm had never yet broken the
serene tenor of James' temper; and Bowes found it diffi-
cult to appease it even by the most earnest assurances
of Elizabeth's innocence.^ In a subsequent interview,
however, he was somewhat more successful. The
Queen of England despatched a letter written wholly
in her own hand, in a strain of so much conciliation,
and fraught with so much sound advice, that the mon-
arch was recovered ; ^owed the epistle, with many
expressions of admiration, to his confidential coun-
cillors and some of the chief ministers, who reiterated
their exhortations to proceed roundly against the
Catholic lords. There were some difficulties, how-
ever, in the way. Huntly solemnly declared his
innocence, and affirmed that the blanks were not
signed by him. If he, Errol, and Angus, delivered
themselves by the appointed day, and were once
secured in prison, there was little doubt of the issue ;
but if, as suspected, they fled and raised their feudal
strength, the King must march against them ; and,
with an impoverished Exchequer, who was to pay his
' MS. letter, St. P. Off. inth January, 1592-3.
84 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
troops? Elizabeth's bounty, he said, had flowed in a
far more niggard stream than had been promised.
He had looked to have five thousand a-year, the sum
allowed by Henry the Eighth to the Queen herself
when Princess ; but she had only given him three
thousand.^ As to that occasion of which she reminded
him, when one year's charges for his behoof had come
to nine thousand pounds, and six thousand men been
kept in readiness for his service, he protested that by
no effort could he recall such things to memory ; but
never would he press her for money unless at a time
of extreme need like the present. But to explain all
more fully, he meant (as he assured Bowes) to send
her an ambassador — Sir Robert Melvil, or some other
confidential councillor.^
Meantime, before any such resolution could be acted
on, Elizabeth's anxiety and the alarming confessions
of Ker prompted her to despatch Lord Burgh with
a message to the King, and instructions to press on
the trials of the Spanish lords by every possible
method. What had been fully expected by all who
knew these bold insurgents had now occurred. In-
stead of a surrender of their persons on the day
appointed, Huntly, Errol, Auchendown, and their
associates, kept themselves within their strongholds
in the North. Angus escaped from the castle of
Edinburgh, letting himself down the walls by a rope,
and joined his friends in the Highlands; and the King's
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burgliley, 27tb January,
1592-3.
» Id. Ibid.
1593. JAMES VI. 85
Council, with the higher nobles, became cold and
inactiye. But the monarch himself was roused by
this opposition into unwonted energy. He alone had
conducted the examination of Ker, had advocated the
use of torture against the advice of his ministers, and
by this horrible expedient had extorted a confession.
He now hurried forward the trial of Graham of
Fintry, had him found guilty, and instantly executed;
and having requested the prayers of the Kirk for
success in his expedition, and appointed the Earl of
Morton to be Lieutenant-general, in his absence, he
placed himself at the head of his army and proceeded
against the rebels.^ To this extraordinary vigour of
the King against the Spanish faction, Bowes, in his
letter to Burghley, bore ample evidence. After men-
tioning that Fintry had offered fifty thousand pounds
Scots to save his life, the Ambassador observes, —
^ the King in this hath remained resolute ; and alone,
without the assistance of any of his council, prose-
cuted the cause. And now, he saith, that as alone
he hath drawn his sword against his rebels, without
the Council's aid or allowance of his nobility, so he wiU
proceed, with the help of God, to punish and prosecute
the traitors in these high treasons, by all the means
in his power; and with the assistance of his barons,
burghs, and Kirk, whom he findeth ready to aid him
therein. He was occasioned to stay his journey two
days beyond his diet for the trial and execution of
1 MS. Letter, St. P. OfT., Bowes to Burghley, 14tb February,
1592-3. Same to same, 15th February, 1592-3. Same to same,
2Ut February, 1592-3.
86 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593,
Fintry, and for some wants which are yet slenderly
supplied : nevertheless, he is ready and determined to
enter into his rode to-morrow, wherein he shall be
well strengthened with his barons; but few noblemen
shall attend upon him." ^
On the 24th of February, Lord Burgh, Elizabeth's
Ambassador, arrived in Edinburgh; and on his heels
came intelligence of the success of the Scottish King.*
James had advanced without a check to Aberdeen.
Huntly and Errol, finding it impossible to make head
against the royal forces, had fled, slenderly accom-
panied, to Caithness ; and the Earl of Athol, who
joined the King with twelve hundred foot and nine
hundred horse, was appointed Lieutenant-general be-
yond Spey, to reduce those unquiet regions and prevent
their again falling under the pow^er of the rebels.^
Meanwhile, the Catholic earls were declared forfeited,
and their estates seized by the Crown ; but, from some
circumstances, it was augured that the King meant to
deal leniently, and not utterly wreck them. Strath-
bogie castle, belonging to Huntly, was given to Archi-
bald Carmichael, with sixteen of the royal guard for a
garrison ; but the Countess of Huntly, sister to the
Duke of Lennox, was allowed to retain, for her win-
ter residence, the Bog of Gicht, his greatest castle
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 15th Febrnaij,
1592-3.
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Lord BurgU to Burghley, 26th Feb.
1592-3.
3 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Lord Burgh to Burghley, Gth March,
1592-3.
15Q2. JAMES VL 87
and estate. Athol received the rest of his lands, not
in gift» but to hold them as fSaiCtor for the Crown.
Errors fistther-in-law, the Earl Marshal, bought his
son's esdbeatfor a thousand marks, with the keeping
of his castle of Slanes: his mother held his other house
of Logie-Almond for her jointure ; and Athol, whose
sister he had married for his second wife, became
factor of his other possessions. Angus was more
severely dealt with, not being saved by any connex-
ion or relationship with men in power.^ His house
and castle of Tantallon were delivered to the keeping
of the Laird of Pollard; Bonkle and Preston to
William Hume, brother of the King's favourite, Sir
George Hume; Douglasdale, and the rest of his lands,
seized for debt. On the whole, however, the rebel
lords, considering their crimes, were leniently dealt
with. Their persons were safe in the fastnesses of
Caithness; their patrimonal interest, and rights of
succession, were considered to be still entire, till an
act of Parliament had confirmed the forfeitures; and
part of their estates were placed in friendly hands.
So evident was all this, that Lord Burgh wrote to
' Angua^ mother was a Qraham, daughter of the Laird of Mor-
pfay. He married the eldest dan^^ter of the Lord Oliphant. MS.
St P. Off.» 1st July, 1592. A Catalogue of the Nohility in Scot-
land. The original indorsement had heen simply ^' Of the nohility
in Sootknd." Burghley has prefixed the words *^ A catalogue."
I mention this minute circumstanoe to prove the authenticity of
the paper, which is a highly valuable document, showing the ages,
matrimonial descent, and marriages, of the whole body of the Scot-
tish nobility at the period, 1st July, 15.92.
88 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
Burghley, that the King ''dissembled a confiscation/'
and would leave the rebels in full strength.^
On his return from his northern expedition, James
gave audience to Lord Burgh, and expressed himself
gratified by the message and advice of Elizabeth. " It
was her interest," he said, "to cooperate heartily with
him in all his present actions, and assist him to her
utmost. Was she not as deeply concerned to hinder
the Spaniard setting his foot in Scotland as in France
or the Low Countries ? At this moment money was
imperatively called for ; an armed force of lai^e ex-
tent must be kept up ; he needed troops to guard his
person, exposed to hourly danger from the plots of
his nobles, and the snares of the arch-traitor Both-
well, with whose daring character she was too well
acquainted: — he needed them to overawe the dis-
tricts still favourable to the Catholic lords — to garri-
son their houses, which, according to his good sister's
advice, he had seized — ^to watch the coast where the
Spaniards were likeliest to land — ^to repulse them, if
they effected a descent. The cause was common to
both ; and he looked not only for sympathy and
counsel, but for hard coin and brave men. On one
point he assured Burgh, that the message which he
took back must be peremptory. ** Bothwell," said he,
" that vile traitor, whose offences against me are un-
pardonable, and such as, for example's sake, should
make him to be abhorred by all sovereign Princes,
is harboured in England : let my sister expel him,
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Lord Burgh to Burgliley, 5th March,
1592-3.
1593. JAMES V!. 89
or deliver him up, as she tenders her own honour
and my contentment. Should he henceforth be con-
forted or concealed in her dominions, 1 must roundly
assure her, not only that our amity is at an end, but
that I shall be enforced to join in friendship with
her greatest enemies for my own safety."^
This spirited remonstrance was not out of place ;
for at this moment Elizabeth, pursuing her old policy
of weakening Scotland, by destroying its tranquillity
and keeping up its internal commotions, was encour-
aging Bothwell to a new and more desperate attempt
against the King and his government. Lord Burgh
had received secret instructions to entertain this fierce
and lawless man. To discover his strength and means,
and increase his faction at Court and with the ministers
of the Kirk, was the secret part of this Ambassador's
mission ; and when James expressed to Bowes his
admiration of the eloquence, grace, and courtly man-
ners of this nobleman, he little knew the hidden mine
which he was digging under his feet. Yet so it was.
Bothwell had offered his services to the English
Queen; had written to Lord Burghley; had received
an answer of encouragement, though cautiously word-
ed; and had been ordered by the High Treasurer to
write secretly to the Queen.^ It will immediately
' Answers for the Lord Bargh, concerning Bothwell. MS.
wholly in James* hand. Warrender MSS. Book B, p. 401.
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bothwell to Thomas Musgrave, whom
he styles his *^ Loving brother. Captain of Bewcastle," 7th March,
1592-3. MS. St. P. Off., Mr Lock's Instructions, 10th February,
1592-3, wholly in Lord Burghleys hand.
90 RtSTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593,
appear how rapidly this new conspiracy came to
maturity, and how suddenly it burst upon the King.
Meanwhile, the various factions and fEimily feuds
amongst the nobility had increased to such a degree,
that the whole cares of the government fell upon the
monarch ; and James, naturally indolent and fond of
his pastimes, began to languish for the return of the
Chancellor Maitland. This powerful minister had
been driven from Court by the antipathy of the
Queen of Scots, the Duke of Lennox, and the whole
faction of the Stewarts, who held him as their mortal
enemy, and had repeatedly plotted against his life.
The exact cause of the Queen's " heavy vni^th "
against Maitland, appears to have been a mystery
alike to the King and to Bowes ; but it was deeply
rooted, and nearly touched her honour. He was at
deadly feud also with the Master of Glammis, and
hated by Bothwell, who regarded him as the author
of all his calamities, and the forger of that accusation
of witchcraft, under the imputation of which he veas
now a banished and broken man. It vras difficult
for the King to recall to power a minister who lay
under such a load of enmity ; and, for the present,
he was contented to visit him in his retreat at Leth-
ington, and consult him upon the affairs of Govern-
ment.^ All, however, looked to his probable restorar
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, eth Feb. 1592-3.
Also, Ibid., 7th April, 1593. " Occurrents in Scotland * brought
by the Lord Burgh who came to the Court 14th April. This in-
dorsation is by Burghley. Also, Ibid., Bowes to Bmrghley, 19th
April, 1593.
16&3. JAMES VI. 91
tion to power; and the bare idea of it occasioned the
utmost jealousy and heart-burning in Court.
Nothing, at this moment, could be more deplorable
than the torn and distracted state of the Scottish no-
bility. The Duke of Lennox and the Lord Hamilton,
the two first noblemen in the realm, were at mortal
fend ; the subject of their quarrel being an attempt, on
the part of Lennox, to get himself declared the next in
succession to the Crown, to the exclusion of the prior
right of the family of Hamilton.^ Huntly again, and
all those barons who supported him, were at feud
with the potent Earl of Athol, and the whole race
of Stewart ; the cause of their enmity being an un-
quenchable thirst of revenge for the murder of the
Earl of Murray. Argyll, Ochiltree, and all the
barons who adhered to them, were at feud with Lord
Thirlstane the Chancellor, Lord Hume, Lord Flem-
ing, and their faction and allies; in which course
they were urged forward by the enmity of the Queen
of Scots. ^ It is difficult, by any general expressions,
to convey a picture of the miserable state of a country
torn by such feuds as these. Nor were these the
sole causes of disquiet : Huntly, Angus, and Errol,
although declared traitors, were at large in the North;
Bothwell, whom the King justly regarded as his
mortal enemy, was also at liberty, harboured some-
times on the Borders, sometimes in England, and
even daring to enter the capital in di^ise and hold
secret intercourse with the noblemen about the King's
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burgbley, 20th May, 1593.
» MS. St. P. Off. Occiirrenti? of Scotland, 7th April, 1593.
92 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
person. The intrigaes of the Catholics, although
checked by the late discoveries, were not at an end ;
and the ministers of the Kirk, utterly dissatisfied
with the leniency which James had exhibited to the
rebel earls, began to attack his conduct in the pul-
pit, and to throw out surmises of his secret inclina-
tions to Popery. Is it a subject of wonder that James,
thus surrounded with danger and disquietude, with-
out a minister whom he could trust, or a nobility on
whose loyalty and affections he could for a moment
depend, should have been driyen into measures which
may often appear inconsistent and capricious? The
sole party on whom he could depend was that of the
ministers of the Kirk, with the lesser barons and the
burghs ;^ and their support was only to be bought at
the price of the utter destruction of the Catholic earls,
and the entire extirpation of the Catholic faith.
To this sweeping act of persecution the monarch
would not consent. At this moment thirteen of the
nobility of Scotland were Catholics;* and, in the
northern counties, a large proportion of the people
were attached to the same faith. It was insisted on,
by the leading ministers of the Kirk, in a Conven-
tion of the Estates which the King summoned at
this time,' that the strictest investigation should
be made for the discovery and imprisonment of all
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Lord Burgh to Burghley, dOth March,
1593.
« MS. St. P. Off., Catalogue of the Nohility of Scotland, Ist July,
1592.
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 19th April, 1593., Bowes to Burgbley.
1593. JAMES vi. 93
safipected of heresy ; and that, ander the penalties
of forfeiture and banishment, they should be com-
pelled to recant, and embrace the Reformed religion.
The severity and intolerance of such demands will be
best understood by quoting the words of the original.
The Kirk represented that, '^ Seeing the increase of
Papistry daily within this realm," it was craved of his
Majesty, with his Council and nobility at that time
assembled, '^ that all Papists within the same may be
punished according to the laws of Godand of therealm.
That the Act of Parliament might, ipso facto, strike
upon all manner of men, landed or unlanded, in office
or not, as it at present strikes against beneficed
persons. That a declaration be made against all
Jesuits, seminary priests, and trafficking Papists,
pronouncing them guilty of treason; and that the
penalties of the Act may be enforced against all
persons who conceal or harbour them, not for three
days, as it now stands, but for any time whatsoever.
That all such persons as the Kirk had found to
be Papists, although they be not excommunicated,
should be debarred from occupying any office within
the realm, as also from access to his Majesty's com-
pany, or enjoying any benefit of the laws. That upon
this declaration, the pains of * homing' and other
civil pains should follow, as upon the sentence of
excommunication; and that an Act of Council
should be passed to this effect, which in the next
Parliament should be made law." If the King agreed
to these demands, the Convention promised, for their
part, that " their bodies, goods, friends, allies, ser-
94 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1693.
vants, and pOBsessions, should be wholly at his service,
in any way he was pleased to employ them." During
the whole pursuit of this cause, (the utter destructioii
of all Papistry within the realm,) they declared, that
not only their whole numbers should be, at all times,
a guard to the royal person, but that the King might
select from them any force he pleaded as a daily
body guard ; the pay of which, however, they pru-
dently added, ought to be levied from the possessions
of the Catholics ; and if this were not enough, they
would themselves make up the difference.^
To these sweeping and severe penalties Jameswould
by no means consent; and the Kirk, irritated by his re-
fusal, withdrew that assistance and cooperation which
it had hitherto lent him in preserving peace and good
order. The effects of this were soon apparent. In-
stead of the happy tranquillity which had reigned
during his absence in Denmark, and which he had
mainly ascribed to the efforts of the ministers, the
capital, as the time of the Parliament approached,
presented almost daily scenes of outrage and confu-
sion. The security and sanctity of domestic life were
invaded and despised ; ruffians, under the command,
and openly protected by the nobles, tore honourable
maidens from the bosom of their families, and carried
them off in open day. James Gray, a brother of the
1 MS. St. P. Off. Humble petition of the Genenl Assembly
of the Eork, craved of his Majesty's Council and nobility pre-
sently convened. Fra Dundee, this Lord's day, 29th April, 1593.
Also, MS. St. P. Off., " The Effects of the Answers of this Con-
vention to the Articles proponed by the King's Majesty."
1593. JAMES VI. 95
notorious Master of Gray, seized a young lady named
Carnegie, an heiress, and then living under her Other's
roof; carried her forcibly down a narrow close, or
street, to the North Loch, a lake which then sur-
rounded the castle ; delivered her to a party of armed
men, who draped her into a boat, her hair hanging
about her £a.ce, and her clothes ahnost torn from her
person; whilst Gray's associate, Lord Hume, kept
the streets with his retainers, beat off the Provost
who attempted a rescue, and slew some of the citi*
zens who had presumed to interfere. Next day, the
chief magistrate carried his complaint in person before
the King. " Do you see here any of my nobles whom
you can accuse?" said James. At that moment
Hume was standing beside James ; but when the un-
happy Provost encountered his fierce eye, the impeach-
ment stuck in his throat from terror, and he retired
silent and abashed.^ The outrage was the more shame-
ful, as Gray was a gentleman of the King's suite, and
had been assisted by Sir James Sandilands and other
courtiers ; whilst the Duke of Lennox and the Earl
of Mar were playing tennis hard by, and abstained
from all interference. So atrocious an insult upon
the laws, and the miserable weakness exhibited by
the King, appear to have made a deep impression on
Burghley, who has written on the margin of Bowes'
letter this pithy note—" A miserable State, that may
cause us to bless ours, and our Governess."' It was
> MS. Calderwood, Brit. Mus., Ayecougb, 4738, fol. 1137. MS.
Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 10th June, 1598.
« Id. Ibid,
96 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
not long after this that a day of law, as it was termed,
was to be kept for the trial of Campbell of Ardkin-
glass, accused of the murder of the Laird of Caddell,
a gentleman of the name of Campbell, who had him-
self been. a principal actor in the tragedy of the Earl
of Murray. Ardkinglass was a relative and favourite
of Argyll, who assembled his friends, and on the
day of trial entered the capital with a formidable
force. The accused was about to be married to
a natural daughter of Lord John Hamilton, which
occasioned the muster of the whole power of that
house ; and the Chancellor Thirlstane, esteeming the
opportunity a favourable one to exhibit his strength,
and prepare the way for his return to Court, rode
fromhis retirement into the city,attended by Arbroath,
Montrose, Seton, Livingston, Glencaiin, Eglinton,
and other powerful friends.^ This again was suffi-
cient to rouse the fears of his enemies, the party of
the Queen ; who assembled in great strength, led by
the Duke of Lennox, and numbering in their ranks.
Mar, Morton, Hume, the Master of Glammis, Sir
George Hume, Lord Spiny, and Sir James SaAidi-
lands. The Border barons too. Lord Maxwell and
Cessford, were on their march ; the Lords of Ses-
sion, who had to try the criminal, and trembled
for their lives, had resolved to raise a body of a hun-
dred men to protect them ; and the townsmen were,
in the meantime, kept day and night under arms.
All this was most formidable to the King, who found
. > MS. St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 1 7th June, 1593. Also,
Ibid., same to same, 20th June, 1503.
1593. .TAMi:s VI. 97
himself almost aloue amid bis difficulties.^ The dan-
ger, too, was increased by the sudden apparition,
amid the darkness, of a meteor which had ever indi-
cated perplexity and change. Captain James Stew-
art, once the formidable and haughty Earl of Arran,
had been seen lately in the palace. It was known
he had been favourably received by James in several
secret interviews; the Queen and the Duke were Im
friends ; his misfortunes had neither tamed his pride,
nor quelled that fierce eneigy and unscrupulous dar-
ing which had prompted him to destroy the Ilegent
Morton ; and at this crisis, when all were anticipat-
ing the return of the Chancellor to power, it was
suspected that the enemies of Maitland had deter-
mined to recall Stewart, and employ him for the
destruction of this minister.^ He had already pulled
dowoi one far mightier from his pabny state : what,
said the Queen and Lennox, was to prevent him from
being successful against another?
Amid these complicated distresses James liad
scarcely one councillor on whom he could rely. With
his capital bristling with steel-clad barons, each feel-
ing himself superior to the throne or the law ; the
streets in possession of tumultuous bodies of retainers
and feudal banditti, armed to the teeth and com-
manded by men at mortal feud with each other;
his court and palace divided by the intrigues of tlie
several rival factions; diffident even of the gentlemen
who waited on his person ; distracted by reports that
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Bur-liley, ITtli Juno, 1jO:J.
' Ibid., 20tli June, l.>93.
VOL. IX, H
98 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
troopers had been seen hovering in the neighbour-
hood, completely armed and disguised ;^ deserted for
the time by the Kirk ; uncertain as yet of the suc-
cess of the embassy of Sir Robert Melvil, whom he
had lately sent to Elizabeth; and tormented by
hourly reports of undefined but urgent dangers and
mysterious conspiracies ; the wonder is, that a prince
of James' indolent and timid temper should not have
sunk under such a state of things. But the emer-
gency seemed to rouse him; and by an unusual exer-
tion of firmness and good sense, he succeeded in
warding off the dangers, persuaded the barons to
dismiss their followers, and brought about a recon-
ciliation between the Queen's faction, led by the
Duke, and their powerful enemy the Chancellor
Thirlstane. It had long been evident to the King
that, in the present state of the country, no hand but
that of Maitland could save the Government from
absolute wreck and disruption ; and it was agreed,
that on the conclusion of the Parliament, which was
now on the eve of meeting, this minister should re-
turn to Court, and be reinstated in his high office.*
Scarce, however, was this danger averted than the
city was thrown into a new state of excitement by
the shrieks and lamentations of a troop of miserable
women, who had travelled from the Borders, the
victims and survivors of a recent raid conducted by
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 19th Jane, 1593.
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., ut supra. Also, Ibid., Bowes to
Burghley, 22dJane, 1593. Also, Ibid., same to same, 28th June,
1593.
1593. jAifES VI. 99
the Laird of Johnston. Their purpose was to throw
themselves before the King, and demand justice for
the slaughter of their sons and husbands, whose
bloody shirts they held above their heads, exhibiting
them to the people as they marched through the
streets, and imprecating vengeance upon their mur-
derers. It was a sight which, in any other country,
might well have roused both pity and indignation ;
but though the people murmured, the ghastly proces-
sion passed on without further notice, and neither
King nor noble condescended to interfere.^
The Parliament now assembled; but its proceed-
ings were delayed by a quarrel between the higher
nobles for the precedency in bearing the honours.
At length it was arranged that Lennox should
carry the crown, Argyll the sceptre, and Morton
the sword ; and that in the absence of the Chan-
cellor Maitland, Alexander Seton, President of the
Session, should fill his place, and conduct the pro-
ceedings.' Bothwell was then forfeited, and proclaim-
ed a traitor at the Cross ; and the Queen's jointure,
which had been settled at her marriage, and regard-
ing which some difficulties had arisen, was confirmed.
To conciliate the Kirk, an act was passed exempting
ministers' stipends from taxation; another statute was
introduced against the Mass; and a strict inquisition
ordered to be made for all Papists and seminary
priests: but on the great subject for which it wa($
1 MS. Calderwood, Ayscongh, 4738, fol. 1138-89.1
* MS. Brit. Mas., Caligula, D II. 128. Bowea to Biughley,
July 16th, 1593.
18125
100 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593,
understood Parliament liad met — ^the prosecution and
forfeiture of the Popish earlsr— the party of the Kirk
were miserably disappointed, or rather, all their
gloomiest expectations were fulfilled. Huntly, Enrol,
Angus, and Auchendown, escaped forfeiture. It had
been secretly resolved by the King, that no extreme
proceedings should be adopted against these noble-
men, who had a numerous and powerful party on
their side,^ till Sir Robert Melvil, then at the English
Court, liad brought an answer from Elizabeth; and
although the Earl of Argyll, Lord Forbes, Lord
Lindsay, and the Protestant faction, anxiously urged
the most severe measures, James was resolute. Mr
David Makgill, the King's advocate, a man of extra-
ordinary talent, but who had often opposed the- Kirk,
declared that the summonses were informal, the
evidence of traitorous designs and correspondence
with Spain insufficient ; and that it was impossible
for any act of attainder to pass in the present meet-
ing of the Estates.*
This for the time settled the matter : but the Kirk
were deeply indignant; and their champion, Mr John
Davison, denounced the proceedings, and attacked the
sovereign in the pulpit on the Sunday which suc-
ceeded their close. " It wa5 a black Parliament," he
said ; '' for iniquity was seated in the High Court of
Justice, and had trodden equity under foot. It was
a black Parliament: for the arch-traitors had escaped
' MS. liottor, 8t. P. Off., Bowes to Burgbley, 20tli June, 159.^.
' MS. Letter, B.M., Caligula, I) II., l^wes to Bui^ghley, 8tli
July; also, K'tli July, and Htli Jiih% 1503.
1393- JAMES VI. 101
—escaped, did he say ! uo : they were absolved; and
now all good men might prepare themseWes for
darker days : trials were at hand : it had ever been
seen that the absolying of the wicked imported the
persecution of the righteous. Let us pray," said he, in
conclusion '' that the King, by some sanctified plagues,
may be turned again to God."^
Such plagues as Davison thus prayed for, were
nearer at hand than many imagined : for Elizabeth, ac-
cording to her favourite policy, had more than one plot
now carrying forward in Scotland. Her accredited Am-
bassador, Sir Robert Bowes, was indeed instructed to
keep up the most friendly assurances, and to promise
the King of Scots her cordial assistance in defeating
Bothwell, and destroying the Roman Catholic faction :
yet at this moment she had sent Mr Henry Lock
into Scotland, who with his brother-in-law, the
notorious Mr John Colvil, and Bothwell himself, met
secretly in Edinburgh, and organized a formidable
confederacy,^ the object of which was to bring in
Bothwell, take possession of the King's person,
overwhelm the Chancellor Maitland who was on the
eve of being recalled to power, and render the Kirk
triumphant over its enemies. To this plot the Duke
of Lennox, the Earl of i\Iar, the Earl of Athol, Lord
Ochiltree, and the Avhole noblemen and barons of the
name and race of Stewart were pai-ties; and they chose
this meeting of the three Estates, when the King was
surrounded by many uf their faction, to carry their
» MS. Calderwooil, Ayscou^rh, 4738, fol. 1109.
» MS. St. P. Off. B.C., John Carey to Bur$liley, Ist Aug. 1 j93.
102 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
purpose into execution. The Parliament was now
about to terminate, when, on the night of the 23d of
July, Bothwell was secretly conyeyed into the houBe of
Lady Gowrie, which adjoined the palace of Holyrood.
This lady's daughter was the Countess of Athol, to
whose courage and ingenuity the success of the plot
was principally owing. Early in the morning of the
24th of July, she smuggled Bothwell and Mr John
Colvil, by a back passage, into the anteroom adjoining
the King's bedchamber, hid them behind the arras,
removed the weapons of the guard, and locked the
door of the Queen's bedchamber, through which the
King might haye escaped. The gates of the palace
were then occupied by the Duke and Athol, who
placed a guard upon them. All this time James vras
asleep ; but he awoke at nine, and calling for one of
the gentlemen of his bedchamber, got up and threw
bis nightgown about him. An alarm now suddenly
rose in the next room; and the King rushing out
with his hose about his heels, and his under-garments
in his hands, confronted Bothwell, who had glided
from behind the hangings, and stood with his drawn
sword in his hand, Colyil being beside him. James
shouted " Treason!" and ran to the door of the Queen's
bedroom ; but it was found locked : and nothing re-
mained but to face his enemy, which, when driyen to
it, he did with unwonted spirit, and his usual voluble
eloquence. " Come on," said he, " Francis : you seek
my life, and I know I am wholly in your power.
Take your King's life : I am ready to die. Better to
die with honour than live in captivity and shame.
1595. JAME8 VI. 103
Nay, kneel not, man," he continued, (by this time the
Duke and Athol bad. come in, and Bothwell and
Colvil had thrown themselvea on their knees ;) ''kneel
not, and add hypocrisy to treason. You protest, for-
sooth, you only come to sue for pardon, to submit
yourself to your trial for witchcraft, to be cleansed
by your peers of the foul imputations which lie heavy
on you. Does this violent manner of repair look like
a suppliant ? Is it not dishonourable to me, and dis-
graceful to my servants who have allowed it ? What
do you take me for? Am I not your anointed King,
twenty-seven years old, and no longer a boy or a
minor, when every faction could make me their pro-
perty? But you have plotted my death, and I call
upon you now to execute your purpose : for I will
not live a prisoner and dishonoured." As he said
this, the King sat calmly down, as if prepared for
the worst ; but Bothwell, still on his knees, loudly
disclaimed all such murderous intentions, and kissing
the hilt of his sword, took it by the point, delivered
it to his sovereign, and placing his head beneath
James' foot, bared his neck of its long tresses, (then
the fJEkshion of the young gallants of the day,) and
called upon him to strike it off if he believed that he
ever harboured a thought against his royal person.^
The Duke of Lennox, Athol and Ochiltree, now
vehemently interceded for the Earl; and James,
raising him from the ground, retired into a window
recess to talk apart; when an uproar arose below in
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to BnrgUey, Aug. 18, 1593.
]lttlyil*8 Memoirs, Bannat. edit., pp. 414, 41^.
104 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
the streets^ aoid the citizens of Edinburgh, who bffd
heard a rumour of the enterprise, rushed tumultuouslj
into the palace-yard, headed by their Provost, Alex-
ander Hume, who loudly called to the King, then
standing at the open casement, that, on a single word
from him, they would force the doors and rid him of
the traitors about him. James, however, who dieaded
to be slain, or torn in pieces, if the two £a.ctions came to
blows, commanded the citizens to disperse; and taking
refuge in that dissimulation of which he was so great
a master, pretended to be reconciled to Bothwell,
iixed a near day for his trial, and simply stipulated
that, till he was acquitted, he should retire from Court.
To all this the Earl agreed. Next day his peace was
proclaimed by the heralds at the Cross. The people,
of whom he w^as a great favourite, crowded rounil him ;
and not only his own faction, which was very strong,
but the ministers of the Kirk showed themselves high-
ly gratified at his return.^
Having settled this, Bothwell left the capital;
and attended only by two servants, rode to Ber-
wick, where he had an interview with Mr John
Carey, the son of Lord Hunsdon, and Governor of that
Border town ; showed him the commission under the
King of Scots' hand assuring him of pardon; professed
the utmost devotion t^ Elizabeth ; and declared that,
within a brief season, he expected to be made "Lieu-
tenant-general of the Avhole country."* He then
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes toBnrgliley, 25tli July, 1593.
Ibid. Another letter, sax»e (lav, Bvane to the same.
* MS. St. P. Off. B.C., John Carey to Burgbley, 1st Aujf., 1593.
1593. JAMES VI. 105
proceeded to Durham, ou his road, as he said, to the
Ekiglish Court, to confer vath her Majesty ''what
course it would please her to direct for his guidance ;'*
and on reaching that city, insisted on thrusting him-
self into the confidence and becoming the guest of
Dr Toby Mathews, the Dean, one of the Council of
the North ; who yehemently declined his explanations,
professed his ignorance of '' Scottish causes," and ad-
vised him to address himself to Burghley, Lord
Hunsdon, or Sir Robert Bowes. All was in vain,
however. The Scottish Earl settled himself on the
venerable dignitary, and ''putting him to silence,**
ran over the story of his whole courses, and ended
with his late seizure of the King. Mathews, who
bad no mind to be made a party in such violent
matters, did not permit his eyelids to slumber till he
had written an account of it all to Burghley. His
letter, which is dated at midnight, on the 2d August,
gives us an excellent account of the interview.
•'This day," says he, "about three of the clock
afternoon, came hither to my house the Earl Both-
well, thereimto moved, a« he protested, as well by
some good opinion of me conceived, as for that he
understands I am one of her Majesty's Coimcil estab-
lished in the North, * * And, albeit, I was very
loath to enter into any speech of the Scottish affairs,
especially of State, wishing him to write thereof to
your Lordship, or to the Lord President; or, if he so
thonght good, to negotiate his business with her
Majesty's Ambassador resident in Scotland, — yet
could T not avoid it; hut he would needs acquaint me
106 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
with somewhat thereof. * * Wherewith, putting me,
as it were, to silence, he began, with exceeding am-
plifications, to acknowledge himself most bonnden to
her Majesty, for the permission he hath enjoyed in
Northumberland and thereabouts, notwithstanding
the King's importunity and practice of his enemies
to the contrary; and to protest, with all solemnity,
before the Majesty of God, that her Highness, in
r^ard thereof, shall ever haye him a loyal and most
faithful Englishman hereafter : albeit, heretofore, he
were thought never in opinion a Papist, yet in affec-
tion and faction a Spaniard. ' Well done once, my
lord,' quoth I, 'is double well said;' which word,
although he took somewhat displeasantly, yet did it
occasion him to affirm and confirm the same, over
and over again, so far as possibly may stand with
the amity of both the Princes, and the perpetual
conservation of religion now openly professed both
in England and Scotland.
'' Then began he to discourse the manner and means
of his late enterprise, and entrance to the King's
presence ; * ♦ which, to mine understanding, was
a plain surprise of the King in his bedchamber, made
by the Earl and another gentleman, in the sight of
the Duke, the Earls of Mar and Athol, with others
his friends purposely assembled: his sword in his
hand, drawn ; the King fearfully offering to withdraw
himself into the Queen's chamber, which before was
devised to be kept shut against him. Howbeit, as
upon short conference between the King and the
Earl a little apart, they soon grew to an accord. * *
1593. JAMES VI. 107
So he confessed to me, that immediately after this
pacification, the King nsed all means rough and
smooth, to sound and pierce him thoroughly : what
favours had been done him ; what sums of money
sent him; what promises made him; what advice
or direction given him from her Majesty or Council,
or other English, to get access in Court to possess
the King. Whereunto the Earl made answer by utter
denial, saving that her Highness had a princely
commiseration of his distressed estate, so far only
as to yield him to take the benefit of the air of her
country for preservation of his liberty and life, so
narrowly sought by the King; so directly and
cruelly by his adversaries. * * The King, with
marvellous vehemency, insisted long upon that point,
and eftsoons conjured him, ' by all the faith he
bare him, by all the allegiance he owed him, by all
the love he professed to him, by all the favour he
hoped for ever to find of him, that he should not
conceal Elizabeth's dealings from him ; being,' as he
said, *B, matter so manifest.' But," continued Dr
Toby to Burghley, "the more violently the King
sought to sift him, the more resolute was the Earl,
not only peremptorily to disclaim every particular
thereof, but in sort, as he could, to charge the King
with much unkindness and unthankfulness causelessly
to carry such jealousy and suspicion of her Majesty,
who had hitherto been so gracious a lady, yea a
very mother unto him; and, under the providence of
Grod, the only supporter of his estate that ever he
found) or is like to find upon earth.-^*' Now hear,
108 HISTORY or SCOTLAND. 1503.
Francis !' quoth the King, 'and have you then so
soon forgotten my dear mother's death?' — ' In good
fisiith/ quoth the Earl, as he saith, ' if you, my li^,
have forgiven it so long since, why should not I forget
it so long after ; the time of revenge being by your
own means, and not mine, so far gone by. A fault
can but have amends, which her Majesty hath made
you many ways ; and so hath she made me amends
of all amisses, this once for all. To whom, with
your pardon, Sir, I will ascribe not only my lands
and living, but my life, with liberty and honour, which
is most of all, not only as freely bestowed upon my-
self but extended to all mine and my posterity : so
as it shall never be seen or heard that ever Earl
Bothwell, for all the crowns of France, for all the
ducats in Spain, for all the siller and gold in the
Indies East and West, for all the kingdoms in
Europe, Africa, and Asia, shall utter one word in
Council, or bear arms in field, against the amity of
the two realms and princes, and the religion now by
them authorized. And farther, I make God a vow/
quoth he to the King, 'that if ye. King Jamie, your-
self, shall ever prove false to your religion and faith
to your God, as they say the French King hath done
to his shame and confusion, I shall be one of the
first to withdraw from your Majesty, and to adhere
to the Queen of England, the most gracious instru-
ment of God, and the ornament of the Christian
world.' From this he proceeded to the deposition
of the Chancellor Maitland, upon whom he bestowed
manv an ill word and manv a bad name ; and an-
1593. JAMES VI. 109
swered the objection of subrogating Stewart in his
room (who is not as yet, but is likely to be;) under-
taking confidently to assure, that whatsoever he had
done heretofore, he should henceforth concur with
her Highness, as well as himself, in all things lawfully
to be commanded. What party they are, as well
the Duke and Earls as other lords and lairds of most
commandment, he saith your Lordship shall from him
receive, in a catalogue subscribed with their own
hands, by Mr Lock, whom these two days he hath
looked for and mervaileth not a little at his uncoming.
The Earl doth purpose to follow him soon after that
he shall have undergone his trial for the witchcraft,
which is now instant. The considerations whereof
are, as he pretendeth, the only cause of absenting
liimself out of Scotland until the very day ; lest, having
now the King in his power, it should hereafter be
objected, that in the proceedings thereof, he had done
what himself listed. His Lordship did earnestly
require me, moreover, because Mr Lock was not yet
coioe, to remember your Lordship to take order that
the union intended by her Majesty between the
Popish and Protestant parties in Scotland be not
overhastily prosecuted, lest the multitude of the
one may in time, and that soon, wreck the other,
being fewer in number, and so become rulers of the
King. * * llis Lordship acknowledged he hath
now^ in Edinburgh and Holyrood House, of his own
pay, a thousand soldiers, whereof the greater part
lire good musketeers, besides fifty horse to attend the
Kinj^'s person. * * * He mukotli no question
110 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
but bj her Majest/s assistance, whereupon he seem-
eth willing wholly to depend, he shall be, with his
friends and followers, sufficiently able to manage the
estate about the King, to the peace of both realms,
against all the forces and frauds of Spain. ♦ ♦ ♦
"This nobleman," so the Dean concluded his letter
to Burghley, ^' hath a wonderful wit, and as wonderful
a volubility of tongue as ability and agility of body
on horse and foot ; competently learned in the Latin ;
well languaged in the French and Italian ; much de-
lighted in poetry ; and of a very resolute disposition
both to do and to suffer ; nothing dainty to discoyer
his humour or any good quality he hath« Now, as
your Lordship is like to hear of all these and many
other particulars more at large, as the King's affec-
tion to the Lady Morton's daughter, and a strange
letter written to some such effect, with some good
assurance taken to bring a greater estate there into
their association, and unto her Majesty's devotion :
so, since I was importuned thus far to lend him mine
ear, and to relate his discourse to your Lordship with
what fidelity and celerity I could, I am most humbly
to beseech your Lordship, that in case it be not lawful
(as in mine own poor opinion it is nothing conveni-
ent) for me to have talk with him or any from him,
your Lordship will vouchsafe so much to signify unto
me by your ' honourable letter,' or otherwise, with ex-
pedition ; lest by him, or some of his, I be driven to
this pressure in a manner, whether I will or no."^
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Dr Tobias Mathew to Burghley,
2d August, 1598.
1593- JAMES VI. Ill
Immediately after this visit of Bothwell to the
Dean, Mr Lock, the Envoy of Elizabeth, who had
o^anized the conspiracy vehich had thus pla<;ed
James in the power of his enemies, arrived from
Scotland ; and by him Bothwell sent the follovring
letter to the English Queen.
** Most Renowned Empress, — The gracious usage
of so clement a Princess towards me in my greatest
extremity should most justly accuse me of ingrati-
tude, if (being in the place wherein a little more
than before I might) I should not perform those
offices which then I did promise. So have I directed
the bearer hereof to impart the same unto your
Majesty with more certainty than before ; to whom,
as I have [promised,] so did I move my associates
in all points to ratify my speeches; and, by their
oaths in his presence, confirm the same. So, fearing
to offend your most royal ears, having in this, so
in all other things, imparted my full mind to this
bearer, whom I doubt not your Highness will credit,
my most humble and dutiful service being remem-
bered, and your Highness committed in the protec-
tion of the Eternal, after most humble kissing of
your most heavenly hands, most humbly I take my
leave."^
Having despatched this superlative effusion of
flattery to his renovnied Empress, Bothwell addressed
a few lines to the grave Burghley, thanking him
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Earl of Bothwell to the Queen.
Indorsed in Bnrghley's hand, Earl Bothwell to the Q. Maj.ly
Loeky 4th August, 1593.
112 mSTORV OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
for his "Fatberly advices;" promising all grateful
obedience, and signing himself his loving son.^ He
then collected from his friends on the Border six
couple of hoimds and some excellent horses, as a
conciliatory present to the Scottish King,* and re-
turned to stand his trial for mtchcrafb, which had
been iSxed for the 10th of August.
Meanwhile, the royal captive had not been idle.
Although surrounded by his enemies and strictly
watched, he contrived to receive messages from
Huntly, who was mustering a large force in the North;
and secretly communicated with Lord Hume and the
Master of Glammis on the best way of making his
escape. He was assisted in this by three gentlemen
of the house of Erskine, who had been permitted to
remain about his person. They employed two others
of his attendants, named Lesley and Ogilvy ; and it
was resolved that a rescue should be attempted im-
mediately after the trial of Bothwell, when the King
was to pass over the Forth from Holyrood to Falk-
land. A fleet horse was to be ready at the park
gate ; James, eluding his guards, was to mount and
gallop to Lochleven ; whilst Hume, with all his forces,
making an onset on the opposite faction, who had
been assembled for the trial in the capital, hoped
cither to seize their leaders or put them to death.' All
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Botbwell to Burghley, Aug., 1593.
- MS. St. P. Off. B.C., John Carey to Burghley, lat August,
1593. Also, Ibid. B.C., Sir William Reid to Burghley, 11th
August, lyj'S; and Ibid. B.C., Sir John Foster to Burghley, 20th
August, 1.593.
• 3IS. Ix?ttcr, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, Aug. 11, lj.93.
l^^S. JAMES VI. 113
these preparations were managed by the King with
snch accomplished dissimulation, that he completely
blinded Bothwell and his associates.
The trial now came on, and lasted from one in the
forenoon till ten at night. In the indictment the
Earl was accused, on the evidence* of several deposit
tions made by Richard Graham, who had been burnt
for witchcraft, of three several attempts against the
King's life and estate : one by poison ; another by
fabricating a waxen image in the likeness of the
monarch ; and the last, by enchantments to prevent
his ever returning out of Denmark. The poison was
compounded, according to the declaration of the
wizard, of adders' skins, toads' skins, and the hippo-
manes in the head of a young foal ; and was to be
placed where it might ooze down upon the King's
head where he usually sat, a single drop being of such
devilish and pestilent strength as to cause instant
death. The defence of the Earl was conducted by
Craig the famous feudal lawyer, who contended that
Graham's various depositions were not only inconsis-
tent and contradictory in themselves, but refuted by
the declarations of his miserable sisters in sorcery —
Sampson, Macalzean, and Napier ; whilst he proved,
by unexceptionable evidence, that Graham had been
induced to accuse Bothwell under a promise of par-
don signed by the King's Council, and from the terror
of being tortured. The Earl also defended himself
with much spirit and eloquence; and the result was,
his triumphant acquittal; which, considering the
strength of his party at this moment, would probably
VOL. IX. I
114 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593,
have been the issue had he been as guilty as he really
appears to have been innocent/
All this took place on the 10th. On the lltb, the
plot laid for the King's escape was to be carried into
effect; and at three in the morning of that day,
everything was in readiness. William Lesley, one
of the gentlemen of the bedchamber, carrying with
him the King's ring and a letter for Lord Hume, was
passing as silently as he could through the court-yard;
when Bothwell, who slept in the palace, was awak-
ened by the watch, who suspected some secret
practice, and rushing down seized the messenger,
found on his person the King's letter and signet, and
discovered the whole. The rest of the gentlemen
were then arrested and delivered to the guard ; and
the Earl, repairing to the King, who was by this time
making ready to take horse, interdicted the journey,
and charged him vdth his breach of promise. A
stormy interview ensued. James insisted that he
would ride to Falkland. Bothwell assured him that
he should not leave the palace till the country was
more settled. '^ You and your fellows," said James,
" have broken your promises, imprisoned my servants,
and now think to bold me a captive. Where are the
three Erskines? where is Gilbert Ogilvy? where
the faithful Lesley ? Did ye not swear that I should
retum,after the trial, to Falkland; and that you, Both-
well, should vdthdraw from my company as soon as
you were cleared by an assize?" — ''And so we shall,"
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Mr John Carey to Bui^Uey,
12th August, 1599,
1593. JAMES VI. 115
replied the Earl. " But first, my liege, we must be re-
laxed from the horn, restored to our lands and offices,
and see the foul murder of the Earl of Murray punish-
ed. They who slew him are known ; they, too, who
signed the warrant for the slaughter, the Chancellor
Maitland, Sir George Hume, and Sir Robert Melvil."
— '^ Tush, tush," said the King ; '' a better man than
you, Bothwell, shall answer for Sir Robert." — " I deny
that," insolently retorted Bothwell; '' unless the man
you mean is your Majesty himself." This was a home-
thrust, for it had been long suspected that the King
was indirectly implicated in the fate of Murray; and
when the Earl proceeded to charge the Erskines with
the conspiracy for escape, nothing could equal James'
indignation, and all hopes of a reconciliation seemed
at an end.^ It was in vain that the ministers of the
Kirk were summoned to promote peace : they pre-
vailed nothing ; and, as a last resource, Bowes the
English Ambassador was called in. With matchless
effirontery he declared his mistress' astonishment at
the enterprise of Bothwell; regretted the facility with
which so treasonable an invasion had been pardoned;
and expressed her anxiety for the safety of the King's
person, and the preservation of the country from
rebellion. James answered, that it was not for him to
answer for the enterprise of Bothwell. He was no ac-
complice, but its victim; and for the traitors who
now kept him, they had forsworn themselves, and
broken every promise. Was he not prevented from
free access to his own palace of Falkland ? Had they
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Barghley, 16th August, 1593.
116 HISTOKY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
not imprisoned five of his servants, and demanded the
trial of the Chancellor, the Master of Glammis, and
Sir George Hume ? and when he asked why, inso-
lently answered — ^that they might be hanged.^ But
let them look to themselves. He might seem in a help-
less state; but he was their King : and sooner would
he suflTer his hand to be cut from his wrist than sign
any letter of remission at their imperious bidding;
sooner endure the extremity of death, than consent
to live a captive, and in dishonour. Bowes assured
him of his mistress' sympathy ; advised an amicable
settlement ; and at last, after two days' labour, vnth
the assistance of some mediators selected from the
ministers, the judges of the Session, and the chief
magistrates of the city, succeeded in bringing the
parties to an agreement.
During the whole of these conferences, the King
appears to have behaved with such unwonted spirit
and resolution, that it is evident he must have been
assured of a large party, and of near and speedy
succour. He declared, in sharp terms, to the ministers
of the Kirk, that he would either be once more a free
monarch and released from these traitors, or proclaim
himself a captive: and he charged them, on their
allegiance, to let his mind be known to his people ;
to exhort them to procure his delivery by force ; and
to assure them he would hazard his life to attain
it.^ When Athol proposed himself to be appointed
Lieutenant-governor in the North, with full power
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Bur^^lilcy, 16tL Aug. 1593.
« Id. Ibid.
1593. JAMES VI. 117
against Huntly, and Bothwell claimed the same
high oflBLce in the South, James, almost with con-
tempt, refused both the one and the other ; but he
consented to pardon Bothwell and his associates,
for all his attempts against his person ; and agreed
that Lord Hume, the Chancellor Thirlstane, the
Master of Glammis, and Sir George Hume, should
not repair to Court till the conclusion of the Parlia-
ment, which was to meet within a month or six weeks,
at Stirling. ^ Nothing, however, was farther from the
King's intention than the fulfilment of these promises,
which he knew he could at any future time disregard
and pronounce invalid, as extorted by force; and
before such time arrived, he hoped to be able to
muster a party which might defy his enemies, and
secure that revenge which was only to prove the
deeper, because it was dissembled and deferred.
Meanwhile, with that elasticity and levity with which
he conld cover his gravest purposes, he resumed his
gaiety, partook of a banquet at Bothwell's house in
Leith, appeared wholly bent on his pastime, and rode
to Inchmurrin to hunt fallow-deer. ^
J MS. Letter, St. P. Off. Accord betwixt the King of Scots,
and Earl Bothwell, 14th Aug., 1593.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes toBurghley, leth Aug., 1593.
118 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
CHAP. III.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1593—1594.
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.
England. I Prance, | Germanp. I Spain. I PortMgaL I Popt.
Elbtatetll. I BenrylY. I Rodolphn. I Philip II. I PhUip II. I ClemeDt YIH.
1^ the late reToIutioii James had exhibited unusual
firmness; and this last compromise with Bothwell was
almost a victory. Nor was he deceived in his expec-
tations of still farther triumph over this insolent
noble, whom he now justly regarded as the leader
of the English party and of the Kirk. The resolu-
tion and courage which the King had exhibited, con-
vinced his turbulent barons that he was no longer a
minor, or a puppet, to be tossed about from faction
to faction, and made the helpless and passive instru-
ment of their ambition. Many of them, therefore,
began to attach themselves to the royal faction, from
self-interest rather than loyalty ; and however fatal
to the peace of the country, the deadly feuds which
existed amongst the nobles, by preventing combina-
tion, formed the strength of the monarch at this
moment. It was evident that Bothwell bad either
1593. JAMES VI. 119
deceivea Elizabeth or himself, when he spoke to Carey
and Mathews of his overwhelming strength, and the
facility with which he conld gnide the government
of Scotland according to the wishes of his renowned
Empress. Already his ally, the Duke of Lennox,
young, capricious, and a &vourite of James, began
to waver ; and before the appointed Convention met
at Stirling on the 9th of September, a powerful re-
action had taken place, which no efforts of English
intrigue could arrest. It was in vain that Elizabeth,
Burghley, and Sir Robert Cecil his son, who now acted
as a chief councillor in all *^ Scottish causes," exerted
themselves to keep up a faction, and even entered
into a secret communication with Huntly and the
Popish party, in the vain hope of bringing about a
coalition between them and Bothwell. The effort to
join with the Roman Catholics, whom they had so
often stigmatized as enemies to the truth, only served
to show the fraud and falsehood of Elizabeth's and
Cecil's constantly-repeated assertion, that they were
guided solely by zeal for the glory of God and the
interests of the true religion ; and Bowes the Ambas-
sador assured them, that if the plot for this unnatural
combination went forward, the ministers of the Kirk,
firom whom it could not be concealed, would ''greatly
wonder and start thereat."^ Besides, how was he to
J MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 6th Sept., 1593.
As this fact is uew, and shows the insincerity of Elizabeth and
Burghley, and the sincerity and honesty of the Kirk, proving, also,
that BotiiweU's party was the p&rty of the Kirk, I give the pass-
age from Bowes' letter.
^ The party employed to sound Channs [Huntly^ and his corn-
120 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1595.
reconcile the course now recommended with his in-
structions to prosecute the Papistical rebels ? How
could he allow Huntly's uncle, a priest and a Jesuit,
to steal quietly out of Scotland, and yet satisfy the
Kirk and the Protestant leaders, that he (Bowes) was
an enemy to the idolaters? All this needed to be
reconciled and explained ; and he begged for speedy
directions. ^
We have seen how completely Bothwell had been
supported and encouraged in his late audacious and
treasonable enterprises by the English Queen. He was
now to feel the fickleness of her &your : and with that
deep hypocrisy which so often marked her political
conduct, she addressed a letter to the King of Soots,
partners, how they stand affected to proceed in and perform their
offers made for America [England,] letteth me know that he hath
spoken with Chanos, and with such as tendered this offer for him
and the rest; and that they will go forwards agreeable to the motions
offered. For the which this party thus travelling herein hath
promised to go forwards in his course with diligence, as all things
may be effected with best expedition and secrecy, iikeas it will
be made known, I trust, to your Lordship, very shortly. I under-
stand perfectly that Chanus [Huntly] will both impart to Petrea
[King of Scots,]] and also communicate to his partners, whatsoever
shall be concredited to his trust and secrecy; and I believe, verily,
that his jHurtners, binding up with Argomartes [[Bothwell,]] shall
acquaint him therewith. Further, this cannot be kept from the
ears of the vi m £S6£6 QKirk]] here, who will greatly start and
wonder hereat. Therefore I beseech your Lordship that this may
be well considered.'' Bowes very naturally goes on to observe,
that this course of friendship with the Catholics is inconsistent with
his instructions, which commanded him to prosecute the '^Papistical
rebels."
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghle3% 6th Sept., 1593.
1593. JAMES VI. 121
and instructions to Bowes, in whieh she stigmatized
the Scottish earl as guilty of an abominable fact,
which moved her utmost abhorrence ; and expressed
her unfeigned astonishment, that any subject who had
acted thus insolently, had not only escaped without
chastisement, but had received, as it appeared, a remis-
sion of such atrocious conduct. She alluded also,
with scorn and indignation, to his refusal to prosecute
those "notable traitors of the North" — Huntly, Errol,
and Angus, " who had conspired among themselves,
and agreed to admit great forces of strangers to enter
into his realm, to the ruin of his estate and the sub-
version of religion ;" and she warned him that such
sudden changes as had been brought to her ears,
such capriciousness and imbecility of judgment,
would end not only in the loss of his liberty, but
might endanger his life.^ It did not suit James'
policy or circumstances to tear the veil from these
pretences at this moment ; and, indeed, we are not
certain that, however he may have suspected Eliza-
beth's double-dealing, he had detected it with anything
of the certainty with which we can now unravel her
complicated intrigues. At all events, he chose to
fight her with her own crafty weapons, and pretended
to Bowes that he was fully satisfied with her late
assurances of friendship. When the appointed Conven-
tion assembled at Stirling, Bothwell was commanded
to absent himself from Court until the meeting of
Parliament, which was fixed for the 14th of Novem-
> MS. St P. Oflf., Orig. Draft of Her Majesty's Letter to Mr
Bowes, 23d August, 1593.
J 22 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
ber ; at which time, the King intimated his intention
of granting him a full pardon and restitution to his
estates and honours, upon his submitting himself to
the royal mercy .^ He was then to leave the realm,
but enjoy his revenues in his banishment ; and his
acodmplices in his late treasons were to be pardoned.
Such terms, with which the rebel earl was compell-
ed to be contented, exhibited a wonderful and rapid
change in the power of the King; and all perceived
where James' strength lay, when Lord Hume, with the
Master of Glammis, and Sir George Hume of Prim-
rose Know, entered Stirling during the Convention
at the head of a large force. Everything was now
changed, and the King spoke boldly out. He declared
his resolution to cancel any promises extorted by
force, when he was a captive ; but promised mercy
to all who repented and sued for pardon. He received
Hume and his associates with open arms ; sent for
the Countess of Huntly to Court; permitted the
Catholic earls, Angus and Errol, to visit their friends
without molestation ; and, it was strongly reported,
had consented to have a secret interview with Huntly
at Falkland.^ This northern earl had recently re-
ceived great promises from Spain ; and for the last
eight months had maintained a large force, with which
he had repeatedly ravaged the territories of his enemy
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to BnrgUey, lOth September,
1593. Same to same, 15th September, 1593.
« MS. Letter, St P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 15th September,
1593, Also, Ibid. BC, Mr John Carey to Burghley, 13th Sept.,
1593.
1593. JAMES VI. 123
Argyll^ and kept the whole of that country in terror
and sabjection. This constant exercise in war upon
a lai^r scale than was commonly practised in High-
land raids, had made him an experienced soldier ; and
James felt that, with such leaders as Huntly and
Hmne, he need not dread Bothwell, Athol, or their
allies. All this rendered the King formidable ; and
soon after his triumph became complete by the arrijal
of his old and experienced councillor, the Chancellor
Thirlstane, who, baring been reconciled to the Queen,
the Master of Glammis, the Duke of Lennox, and his
other enemies, rode to Court, accompanied by young
Cessford and two hundred horse.^
Measures now followed rapidly, of such a char-
acter as convinced the friends of England, the
ministers of the Kirk, and the relics of Bothwell's
party, that the King had not forgotten the late
insults which had been offered him, and was pre-
paring to take aii ample revenge. Hume, a Ro-
man Catholic, was made the Captain of the King's
body-guard; and, in the King's presence, openly
threw out his defiance against Bothwell and the whole
race and name of the Stewarts ; who, he said, dared
not take one sillie bee out of the moss in his bounds
without his will.' In these sallies he was not only
unchecked by the King, but James, calling for the
ministers, insisted that the process of exconununica-
tion, which was then preparing against this potent
> MS. St. P. Off., Bowes to Barghley, 2l8t September, 1593.
MojBe'8 Hemoixs, B«niiat. ed., p. 105,
5 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to BuTsrhley, 13th Sept., 1593.
124 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
baron, shotild be abandoned, alleging that he was in
the progress of conversion. It was remarked, too,
that the three Catholic earls, although still excluded
from Court, carried themselves with unwonted bravery
and confidence. Angus, visiting Morton at the New-
house in Fife, assured him that he had better join
them in time, as their increasing strength would soon
compel a union ; and George Ker, the victim of the
Spanish Blanks, who had not been heard of since his
escape from Edinburgh castle, suddenly showed him-
self at Melvil, near Dalkeith, with a troop .of eighty
horse, and warned the tenants of Lord Ross to cease
from their labour, if they would not have their houses
burnt above their heads. It will be remembered that
Ross's men hadassisted in the captureof Ker; andtheir
master, as was usual in those days*, had been rewarded
by a grant of Melvil, and other lands round Newbottle
belonging to the Kers. These were trifling events ;
but noted at the time in the pulpit, when the watch-
men of the Kirk were keenly detecting how the cur-
rent of Court favour was setting in towards Popery.^
There is no good ground for suspecting, notwith-
standing the strong asseverations of the ministers to
the contrary, that the King of Scots had ever any
serious intentions of becoming a convert to the Ro-
man Catholic faith, or even of permitting its public
profession by any one of his subjects ; but he was
well aware of the unprincipled policy of the English
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 5tli Oct., 1593.
See supra, p. 76.
1593. JAMES VI. 125
Qaeen, which, £rom first to last, had been directed to
weaken Scotland, by creating perpetual divisions
amongst its nobles ; and he had resolved, now that he
was once more a free Prince, and at the head of a
strong party, to extinguish the fires which she had
kindled, and restore, if possible, aristocratic union
and general peace to the country. That such was
his present object is evident from a passage in a letter
of Mr Carey the Governor of Berwick, son of Lord
Hnnsdon, to Lord Burghley; and the fervent hope
expressed by this English baron, that the day may
never arrive which shall see the Scottish nobles '' linked
together in peace," is full of meaning. '^ For the news
in Scotland," says he, " I know not well what to say ;
but this I am sure, — ^the King doth too much appose^
himself to the Papist faction for our good, I fear. Yet
here [he means in^the Border districts] is nothing but
peace and seeking to link all the nobility together,
which I hope will never be. The Papists do only
bear sway ; and the King hath none to put in trust
with his own body but them. What will come of this
your Lordship's wisdom can best discern ; and thus
much I know certain, that it were good your Lordship
looked well whom you trust : for the King and the
nobility of Scotland have too good intelligence out of
our Court of England."*
In prosecution of this design of a general union
' ^* Appose," (ad'panoy or apponoy) place bimeelf beside; afisimi-
late hitiificlf to the faction.
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Mr Jobu Carey to Bui^bley,
29tb Sept., 1503.
126 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
amongst his divided nobility, James opposed himself
to the violent and perseouting measures of the Kirk.
He knew the truth of what Bothwell had lately stated
to Elizabeth, that the Scottish Catholics were so strong
that, in the event of any attempt to unite them with
the Protestants, they would soon rule all.^ Since then,
Huntly and his friends had been daily gaining com-
plete preeminence in the North ; and to render such
a party furious or desperate by processes of treason
and proscription, — ^to discharge against them, if they
did not choose at once to renounce their religion and
sign the Presbyterian Confession of Faith, the sharpest
arrowsof civil and ecclesiastical vengeance, would have
been the extremity of intolerance and of folly. The
King wisely declined this, and persevered in his
course; although the Presbyterian pulpits immediately
opened their fire, and the provincial Assembly of Fife
was convened at St Andrews to consult on the immi-
nent dangers which surrounded the Kirk.*
Of this religious convention Mr James Melvil, ne-
phew of the well-known Andrew Melvil, was chosen
Moderator ; and Mr John Davison, the sternest and
most zealous amongst his brethren, did not hesitate to
arraign the pastors of the Kirk of coldness, self-seek-
ing, and negligence. Let them repent, said he, and be-
take themselves to their ordinary armour — ^fasting and
prayer. Let the whole Kirk concur in this needful
* MS. St. P. Off. B.C., Dean Toby Mathews to Lord Burgh-
ley, 2d August, 1593.
« MS. Calderwood, Sloan M8S., Brit. Mus., 4738, foL 1140,
26tb Sept.
1593. JAMES VL 127
humiliQ^tioQ. Above all, let the rebel earls, Huntly,
Errol, Angus, Auchendown, and their accomplices,
whom it were idle to assail with any lighter censures,
be solemnly excommunicated ; and let a grave message
of pastors, barons, and burgesses, carry their resolu-
tion to the King, now so deeply alienated from the
good cause : then they might look for better times.
But now their sins called for humiliation : for they,
the shepherds, seemed to have forgotten their flocks :
they were idle and profane ; nor would he be far
from the truth, if he declared that a great part of their
pastors were at this moment the merriest and the care-
lessest men in Scotland. After much debate, it was
resolved that the Roman Catholic rebels should be
exconununicated ; and this upon the ground that many
amongst them had been formerly students in the
university of St Andrews, and must, therefore, have
signed the Confession of Faith. The terms of this
sentence, in which not the whole Presbyterian sect,
as represented by the General Assembly of their Kirk,
but an isolated provincial Synod took upon them to
excommunicate certain members of the Catholio
Church, were very awful. This little conclave de-
clared that, in name and authority of the Lord Jesus
Christ, they cut off the said persons from their Com-
munion, and delivered them to Satan, to the destruc-
tion of their flesh, : it added, — ^that the Spirit might
yet be safe, if it pleased God to reclaim them by repen-
tance ; but pronounced, if unrepentant, their just and
everlasting condemnation.^ This sentence was com-
1 >16. Calderwood, Aysoougb, 4738, fol. 1144.
128 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
manded to be intimated in every Kirk in the king-
dom. All persons, of whatever rank or degree,
were interdicted from concealing or holding com-
munication with the delinquents thus delivered to
the Devil, under the penalty of being visited by the
same anathema ; and the Synod concluded by exhort-
ing the pastors to whom the charge of the flock had
been intrusted, to prepare themselves by abstinence,
prayer, and diligent study of the Word, for that
general and solemn Fast which was judged most
needful to be observed throughout the land. The
causes for such universal humiliation and intercession
were declared to be these : — ^
1. The impunity of Idolatry, and cruel murder com-
mitted by the Earl of Huntly and his complices.
2. The impunity of the monstrous, ungodly, and
unnatural treasons of Huntly, Angus, Enrol, the Laird
Auchendown, Sir James Chisholm, and their accom-
plices.
3. The pride, boldness, malice, blasphemy, and going
forward of these enemies in their most pernicious pur-
pose, arising out of the said impunity, and their suf-
ferance by the King ; so that now they not only have
nodoubt,as theyspeak plainly, to obtain liberty of con-
science, but also brag to make the Kirk fain to come
to their cursed Idolatry before they come to the truth.
4. The land defiled in divers places with the devil-
ish and blasphemous Mass.
5. The wrath of God broken forth in fiery flame
upon the north and south parts of the land with
1 MS. Calderwood, A}*8cougb, 4738, fol. 1142.
1593. JAMES VI. 129
horrible judgments, both of souls and bodies, threat-
ening the mid part with the like or heavier, if re-
pentance prevent not.
6. The King's slowness in repressing Papistry and
planting of true religion.
7. The defection of so many noblemen, barons,
gentlemen, merchants, and mariners, by the bait of
Spanish gain ; which emboldeneth the enemies : and
on the other part the multitude of Atheists, ignorant,
sacrilegious, blood-thirsty, and worldly-outward pro-
fessors, with whom it is a strange matter that God
should work any good turn ; the consideration whereof
upon the part of man may altogether discourage us.
8. The cruel slaughter of ministers.^
9. The pitiful estate of the Kirk and brethren of
France.
10. and Lastly. The hot persecution of discipline
by the tyranny of bishops in our neighbour land.^
In addition to these bold proceedings, the leading
ministers of the Kirk determined that Lord Hume
the Captain of the King's Guard, should either satisfy
the Kirk by his recantation, or be forthwith excom^
municated. They publicly rebuked the Earl of
Morton for keeping company with Errol and Angus,
men branded by the Kirk as idolaters ; and when he
defended himself by quoting the example of Henry
the Fourth, the French King recently turned Catholic,
' Mr James B]3rth and Mr John Aikman, ministers, bad beta
Elain by tbe Mures*
2 MS. Caldcrwood, Ayscougb, 4738, ftl. 1142.
VOL. IX. K
130 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593*
they retorted that no Christian could, without error,
associate with such delinquents.^
Meanwhile, Bothwell, instead of accepting the
King's offered pardon and retiring from the reakn,
entered into fresh intrigues with England and trifled
with the royal mercy-* But James detected these
new combinations; and marching suddenly in person
with a strong force from Stirling to the Doune of
Menteith, where Athol, Gowrie, and Montrose had
assembled with five hundred horse, attacked their
company, made Gowrie and Montrose prisoners, and
had nearly taken or slain the northern earl, who fled
at his utmost speed with a few attendants into Athol.'
The three Catholic earls, Huntly,Errol, and Angus,
now earnestly supplicated the King, that they might
be permitted to stand their trial for that conspiracy
of the " Spanish Blanks," of which they solenmly
protested their innocence. No opportunity, they said,
had hitherto been given them of defending themselves
before a jury. They had been excommunicated by
the Kirk, banished from Court, and compelled to lead
the life of fugitives and traitors, without any evidence
except a confession extorted by torture, and the ex-
hibition of some signatures asserted to be theirs, but
which they would prove to be forgeries. Let them
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 15th Sept,
1593. Also, Ibid., Bowes to Burghley, 26th Sept., 1598.
^ MS. Letter, St. P. Off., James Sinclair and James Douglas
of Spot to Bothwell, 1st Oct., 1593. Ibid., Lord Ochiltree to
Bothwell, 4th Oct., 1593.
3 MS, Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 5th Oct, 1593,
1593. JAMES VI. 131
only come to their trial. If found guilty, they were
ready to suffer the penalty of their crimes ; if acquit-
ted, as they trusted to be, then they would either
satisfy the Kirk on the subject of their religion and
conform to the national faith, or would go into to-
luntary banishment.^ Not satisfied with these remon-
strances, they suddenly presented themselves to the
King as he rode from Holyrood to Lauder, and,
falling on their knees, implored him to submit their
alleged offences to the judgment of an assize. But
James dismissed them with real or affected wrath;
threatening that they should be worse handled for
such boldness. *
Had the Catholic earls been sincere in the anxiety
they expressed to have an impartial trial, it would
have been the height of injustice to have refused their
request ; but it was well known that they had secretly
summoned all their friends to assemble in arms on
" their day of law ;" and such was their present
strength, that neither judges, jury, nor witnesses,
could have attended with safety. ^ It is not surpris-
ing that the Kirk should have loudly remonstrated
against such hurried and premature proceedings ; and
at an ecclesiastical convention of ministers, barons,
and burghs, held at Edinburgh on the 17th October,
for the purpose of considering the inuninency of the
threatened danger, they selected six commissioners
to repair to the palace and present their advice, be-
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowea to BurgUey, 9th Oct., 1593.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 12th Oct., 1593.
3 MS, Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, lath Oct, 1593,
132 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 1593-
seeching the King that the trial might be delayed till
the ** professors of the gospel should be ripely advised
what was meetest for them to do, since they had re-
solved to be the principal accusers of these noblemeu
in their foul treasons." They craved, also, that these
exconmiunicated and treasonable apostates sliould,
"according to the loveable laws and customs of
Scotland, be imprisoned till the Estates of Parlia-
ment had advised on the manner of their trial ; that
the jury should be nominated not by the accused but
by the accusers ; that as the foresaid traitors were
excommunicatedand cut off from the society of Christ's
body, (to use the strong and revolting language of the
original,) they should not be admitted to trial, or
have any benefit of the law, till they were again join-
ed unto Christ and reconciled to his Kirk." These,
however, were not all the demands and proceedings
of the Kirk. They resolved, that if their enemies
attended in arms, they should meet them in the
same fashion; desiring the King's permission that
"the professors of religion may be his Majesty's
guard, and be admitted in the most fensible and war-
like manner to be about the royal person, to defend
it from violence, and accuse their enemies to the
uttermost : and this," they added, " we are minded to
do, although it should be with the loss of all our lives
in one day : for certainly we are determined that the
country shall not bruik us and them baith, so long
as they are God's professed enemies."^ In futherance
' MS. St. P. Off. Certain Petitions and Condusions considered
1593. JAMES vr. . 133
of these prepai-ations, the Kirk directed the Moderar
tor of every Presbytery to advertise each particular
brother in the ministry within their bounds; to vmm
the noblemen, gentlemen, barons, and burgesses, to
muster in warlike arms and array in Perth, on the
24th of the month, the expected day of trial ; and
appointed twelve ministers as commissioners, to be
resident in the capital till the answer to their de-
mand was returned by the King.^ When the Com-
missioners of the Kirk presented their petitions to
James at. Jedburgh, he refused to acknowledge any con-
vention which had been summoned without his order;
and after an angry interview, passed in mutual com-
plaint and accusation, peremptorily declined return-
ing any written reply to the Assembly. The state of
matters now became alarming ; and Bowes the Eng-
lish Ambassador, who watched it from hour to hour,
wrotethustoBurghleyon thelSth October: — "Yester-
day, at the meeting of the Commissioners of the Kirk,
the barons, and burghs, convened here together. ♦ *
Great preparations are made for the advancement of
the course thus resolved, and to stop the trial to be
given at this time to these earls, whose friends (as
it is told me) have musteined, and are in readiness
to come to Perth at the day limited : they have
already provided that the Water Gate or Water
Street shall be reserved for the earls and their com-
panies. But Athol, Gowrie, and many of the town,
upon by the Commissioners for the Kirk, Barons, and Burgesses of
Edinburgh, 17tb Oct., 1593.
> IWd,
134 . HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
are rather disposed to keep them out. The convoca-
tion and access of people to that place is looked upon
to be so great that thereon bloody troubles shall
arise." ^
A collision appeared now inevitable; and many
causes promised to make it, when it did occur, one
of a fearful description. The opposite factions, whose
partisans were flocking from all parts towards Perth,
the anticipated scene of the trial, were animated by
the most bitter and revengeful feelings ; their blood
was boiling under the influence of family feuds,
religious persecution, and fanatical hatred. The advo-
cates for peace were browbeaten, and their voices
drowned in the din of arms and proclamations of
mutual defiance ; and all this was exasperated and
increased by the warlike denunciations of the Kirk,
which, by its thousand trumpet-tongues, through
the length and breadth of the land, summoned all
who loved the Gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ to gird
on their weapons, and, if necessary, die for their faith.
Had things been allowed to continue in this state,
and the muster taken place at Perth, a few days
more might have kindled the flames of civil war in
the country, and deluged it with blood ; but at this
crisis James wisely interdicted the trial from being
held at Perth, and resolved that a solemn inquiry
into the conduct of Huntly, Angus, and Errol, should
take place before conmiissioners to be selected from
the nobility, the burghs, and the Kirk. To secure
tranquillity, public proclamation was made that none
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 20tb Oct., 1593.
1 593. JAMES VI. 135
exoept such as were especially called for should pre-
sume to attend the convention; that the three earls,
dismissing their forces, should await the King's
determination at Perth; and that, in the mean season,
none should molest them during the trial or inquiry
which was about to take place. At all this the Kirk
stood aghast. They had insisted on the imprison-
ment of the three earls. They had argued that, till
they signed the Confession of Faith and recon-
ciled themselves to the Kirk, they could not be
recognised or permitted to take their trial ; that they
ought to have no counsel to defend them ; and that
the Kirk, as their accuser, should nominate the jury.
Its ministers now complained, threatened, and remon-
strated;^ but when the day appointed for the conven-
tion arrived, they found the King not only resolved
to abide by his own judgment, but so strongly sup-
ported by the nobility whom he had summoned, that
it would be vain to attempt resistance.
James, who had taken time to consider aU coolly, on
weighing the whole circumstances, found it necessary
to steer a middle course. The trial was postponed ; as
it was believed that no jury could be found at that mo-
ment '' so void of &vour and partiality" as to condenm
the earls; and, on the other hand, if acquitted, no terms
or conditions could be imposed on them which their
power would not enable them to despise and infringe.^
As to the accused themselves : on the one hand, they
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 12th Nov., 1593.
Alflo, same to same, 17th Nov., 1593.
« MS, Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burgliley, 28d Nov., 1593.
136 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
persisted in asserting their innocence as to the ^'Span-
ish Blanks," which they were accused of having signed,
or of any conspiracy to bring foreign forces into the
realm ; on the other, they confessed that they had
received Jesuits, heard Mass, revolted from the Pres-
byterian faith against their public profession and
subscription ; refused to obey their summons for
treason; and committed other acts against the laws;
for which they were willing, they said, to put them-
selves in the King's mercy. All this was laid before a
committee who represented the three Estates — ^nobles,
barons, and burghs. The Duke of Lennox and the
Earl of Mar appearing for the earls; the Lord
Chancellor Thirlstane and Lord Livingston for the
lords, with whom sat all the councillors of estate;
the barons being represented by four of their number,
the burghs by five burgesses, and the Kirk by six
of the leading ministers; who, however, appeared only
as petitioners, and did not sit or vote as conunissioners.
After mature deliberation with this committee, the
King, adopting, as far as he was permitted, a wise
mean between the extremity of persecution recom-
mended by the Kirk, and that toleration which was
rather implored and hoped for than claimed as a
right by the Catholics, pronounced his sentence. He
declared that he was firmly resolved that God's
true religion, publicly preached, and bylawestablished,
during the first year of his reign, should alone be pro-
fessed by the whole body of his subjects ; and that
all who had not embraced it, or who bad made de-
fection from it, should, before the 1st of February
1593. .TAMES VL 137
next, obey the laws by professing it, and thus satisfy
the Kirk ; or, if they found this against their con-
science, should depart the realm to such parts beyond
seas as he should direct, there to remain till they
embraced the true religion, and were reconciled to the
Kirk; but he added, that during this banishment they
should enjoy their lands and living. As to those per-
sons who had been accused of a treasonable conspiracy
with Spain for the overthrow of the true religion —
William Earl of Angus, George Earl of Huntly,
Francis Earl of Errol, Sir Patrick Gordon of Auch-
endown, and Sir James Chisholm of Comileys^he
pronounced them "free, and unaccusable in all time
coming of any such crimes ; " and annulled all legal
proceedings which had been instituted against them,
unless they showed themselves unworthy of pardon
by directly renewing their intrigues, or threatening,
either by word or deed, any repetition of their treason.
If they chose to renounce their Idolatry, to embrace
the Presbyterian opinions, satisfy the Kirk, and remain
to enjoy their estates and honours within their own
land, it was intimated to them and to all other Catho-
lics, that this must be done on or before the 1st day
of February next; and, on the contrary, if they pre-
ferred to retain their faith and enter into exile, then
they were to give assurance that, during its continu-
ance, they should refrain from all practices with
Jesuits or seminary priests against their native
country. It was lastly declared, that they should
express to the King w4 \\^e Kirk their acceptance
138 HISTOHY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
of one or other of these conditions before the 1st of
January next.^
To our modem and more Christian feelings this
sentence must appear as unwise as unmercifcd: for it
disavowed the possibility of toleration, held out a
premium to religious hypocrisy, and punished sincerity
and honesty of opinion with perpetual banishment.
James had hoped that it might pacify the country;
but it experienced the common fate of middle courses,
and gave satisfaction to no party. The Catholics,
who had never intermitted their intrigues with Spain,
had lately received assistance and encouragement
from that country; they conmianded almost the
whole of the North; and were in no temper to resign
their religion, or retain it at the expense of perpetual
exile. They temporised, therefore; affected a submis-
sion which they did not feel; and continued to
strengthen themselves both at home and abroad for
a new struggle. But if the Catholics were discon-
tented, the Kirk received the Act of Abolition with
mingled wrath and lamentation. It actually seemed to
them an insufficient security, and a trifling punishment,
that no man was to be permitted to remain within
the realm, and enjoy his estate and the protection of
the law, unless he signed the Presbyterian Confession
of Faith. The profanation was, that any man should
be at liberty to retain his belief in the Roman Catholic
faith, and his Scottish estates, if he consented to banish
> MS. St. P. Off. Act of the Convention at Holyrood House,
26th Nov., 1593; with Burghley's notes on the margin. It is
printed by Spottiswood, p. 400,
1593. JAMES VI. 189
himself from his native country. The feelings of the
leaders of the Kirk upon this subject are thus described
by Bowes, an eyewitness, in his letter to Burghley.
*^ This edict, and act of obliyion, is thought to be
very injurious to the Church, and fietr against the
laws of God and this realm; whereupon the ministers
haye not only openly protested to the King and Con-
vention that they will not agree to the same, but
also, in their sermons, inveigh greatly against it; al-
leging that, albeit it hath a pretence to establish one
true religion in the realm, yet liberty is given to all
men to profess what they list, so they depart out of
the realm; and thereby they shall enjoy greater privi*
l^es and advantages than any other good subject
can do. That this is very dangerous to the religion,
and to all the professors thereof, that the crimes of
these offenders shall be thus slightly passed over;
and this notwithstanding their treasons and £Eiults
are so manifest and odious, as the King once con-
fessed that he had not power to pardon them, and
promised, as he was a Christian prince, to punish
them vnth all rigour. And the parties thus offending
have now been detected four times, and escaped pun-
ishment for like treasons and conspiracies."^
At this Convention the King, who now found him-
self strong enough to disclose his true feelings, ex-
hibited the sustained intensity of his wrath against
Bothwell. It was in vain that the Queen, and those
nobles who had attached themselves to her service,
interceded for the delinquent. He was commanded
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 2d Dec. 1593.
140 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1593.
to leave the realm within fifteen days ; and James
refused to listen to any offers, or to hold out the
slightest hopes of forgiveness till this order had been
obeyed. The friends of the rebel earl were treated
with equal severity. Lords Doune and Spiny, with
Mr John Russell, an eminent advocate who had
pleaded his cause, were imprisoned ; and it was evi-
dent that all hope of reconciliation must be aban-
doned.^
The act of oblivion proved as distasteful to Eliza-
beth as it was to either the Catholics or the Kirk.
This great Princess had recently received intelligence
of the continued intrigues carried on by Jesuits and
seminary priests in Scotland. One of these busy
emissaries, Thomas Mackquharry, a Scottish Jesuit,
who had been employed by Lady Hume, and had
carried on his secret practices in different parts of
England, had been recently seized by Sir John Carey
at Ber^vick. It was reported that another Scottish
Jesuit, Mr James Gordon, with William Gordon of
Strathdon, a brother of the Earl of Huntly, and four
or five other Catholics, had passed over from Scotland
to Dunkirk ;* and Mr James Craig, a gentleman
resident at Bourdeaux, wrote to his brother Mr
Thomas Craig, the celebrated feudal lawyer, then an
advocate at the Scottish bar,^ that an army and fleet
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burgbley, 2d Dec, 1593.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 24tliNov., 1593.
Ibid,, same to s»me, 2d Dec, 1593.
3 MS, St. P. Off, The clause in the letter of James Craig at
Bourdeaux, to his brother, Mr Thomas Craig, Advocate in Edin-
burgh.
1593. JAMES VL 141
were being equipt in Spain, which were suspected to
be destined for Scotland. Ireland continued to be
the theatre of perpetual intrigue and commotion ; and
the English Queen had taken the adoption of the
Catholic faith by Henry the Fourth greatly to heart.
She was, tlierefore, in a highly excited state when she
received from Bowes, her Ambassador, the news from
Scotland; and lost no time in despatching Lord Zouch
with a violent open remonstrance, and a letter of
secret rebuke, written wholly in her own hand.^ This
last was in these nervous and scornful terms :
" My dear Brother, — To see so much, I rue my sight
that views the evident spectacle of a seduced King,
abusing councU, and wry-guided kingdom. My love
to your good and hate of your ruin, breeds my heed-
ful regard of your surest safety. If I neglected you,
I could wink at your worst, and yet withstand my
enemies' drifts. But be you persuaded by sisters.
I will advise you, void of all guile, and will not stick
to tell you, that if you tread the path you chuse,* I
will pray for you, but leave you to your harms.
" I doubt whether shame or sorrow have had the
upper hand when I read your last lines to me. Who,
of judgment, that deemed me not simple, could sup-
pose that any answers you have writ me should
satisfy, nay, enter into the opinion of any one not
void of four senses, leaving out the first.
" Those of whom you have had so evident proof by
their actual rebellion in the field you preserve,
' Caniden, Elizabeth in Kennet, vol. ii.
* Id the copy in the St. P. Off., " the path you are in.**
142 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593.
whose offers you knew then so large to foreign
Princes. And now, at last, when, plainest of sJl,
was taken the carrier himself confessing all be-
fore many commissioners and diyers councillors ; be-
cause you slacked the time till he was escaped, and
now must seem deny it, (though all men knew it ;)
therefore, forsooth, no jury can be found for them.
May this blind me that knows what a King's office
were to do? Abuse not yourself so far. Indeed,
when a weak bowing and a slack seat in government
shall appear, then bold spirits will stir the stem, and
guide the ship to greatest wreck, and will take heart
to supply the failure.
" Assure yourself no greater peril can ever befal
you, nor any King else, than to take for payment
evil accounts ; for they deride such, and make their
prey of their neglect. There is no Prince alive, but
if he show fear or yielding but he shall have tutors
enough, though he be out of minority. And when I
remember what sore punishment those so lewd traitors
should have, then I read again, lest at first I mistook
your mind ; but when the reviewing granted my
lecture true. Lord! what wonder grew in me that
you should correct them with benefits who deserve
much severer correction. Could you please them
more than save their lives and make them shun the
place they hate, where they are sure that their just
deserved haters dwell, and yet as much enjoy their
honours and livelihoods, as if for sporting travel they
were licensed to visit other countries? Call you this
a banishment — ^to be rid of whom they fear and go
1593- JAMES VI. 143
to such they love ? Now, when nay eyes read more,
then smiled I to see how childish, foolish, and witless
an excuse the best of either three made you, turning
their treasons' bills to artificers' reckonings with items
for many expenses, and lacked but one billet which
they best deserved, an item for so much for the cord
whose office they best merited. Is it possible that
you can swallow the taste of so bitter a drug, more
meet to purge you of them, than worthy for your
Kingly acceptance ? I never heard a more deriding
scorn ; and vow that, if but this alone, were I you,
they should learn a short lesson.
''The best that I commend in your letter is, that I see
your judgment too good to affirm a truth of their
speech, but that alone they so say. Howbeit, I muse
how you can want a law to such, as whose denial, if it
were ever, could serve to save their lives, whose trea-
sons are so plain ; as the messenger who would for his
own sake not devise it, if for truth's cause he had it
not in his charge : for who should ever be tried false,
if his own denial might save his life ? In Princes'
causes many circumstances yield a sufficient plea for
such a King as will have it known : and ministers
they shall lack none, that will not themselves gainsay
it. Leave off such cloaks, therefore, I pray you; they
wiU be found too thin to save you from wetting.
For your own sake play the King, and let your sub-
jects see you respect yourself, and neither to hide or
to suffer danger and dishonour. And that you may
know my opinion, judgment, and advice, I have chosen
this nobleman, whom I know wise, religious, and
144 IIISTOUy OF SCOTLAND. 1593-4.
honest ; to whom I pray you give full credit, as if
myself were with you; and bear with all my plainness,
whose aflfection, if it were not more worthy than so
oft not followed, I would not have gone so far. But
blame my love if it exceed any limits. Beseeching
God to bless you from the advices of them that
more prize themselves than care for you, to whom I
wish many years of reign." ^
It was not to be expected that a letter like this,
containing so much disagreeable advice and cutting
sarcasm, and which in its involved, but often ener-
getic and condensed periods, affords so -good a specimen
of Elizabeth's private epistolary style, should have
been acceptable to James; but when Lord Zouch
presented it at his audience on the 13th January,^
the King dissembled his chagrin and received him
with apparent courtesy. He professed his anxious
desire to live on terms of amity with his good sister :
observed, that as for the Act of Abolition to the Ca-
tholic earls which her Majesty disliked so much, it
was now itself abolished by their not accepting it,
and he was entirely free from any agreement. He
knew, he said, in answer to Zouch's remonstrances on
his supposed Spanish predilections, what it was to
lose an old friend and to trust a new. As to the
' This interesting letter is now printed (for the first time) from
the original, in the Queen's own hand, preserved in the collections
of Sir George Warrender. There is a contemporary copy in the
State Paper Office.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 15th Januar}%
1593-4. Ibid., Lord Zouch to Burghley. Also, MS. Letter,
Brit. Mus., Caligula, D IL 161).
1593-4- JAMES VI. 145
councillors, of whom she complained, he must couiide
iu his Council as she confided in hers ; but he was
the last who would suffer any ill affected to insinuate
themselves amongst his ministers.^
With these general assui-ances, Elizabeth's Ambas-
sador would not be satisfied. Ue called on the King
for deeds, not words; insisted that his royal mistress
w^as entitled to have an express written declaration of
the course which the King was determined to follow
with the rebel earls and the Catholic party, still
busy in their plots for the invasion of England and
the destruction of their common faith ;^ and lamented,
in his letter to Lord Burghley, that he was utterly
unfit to cope with the difficulties which met him on
every hand. The Lord Chancellor Maitland, whom
he was taught to consider the wisest and most up-
right of the King's councillors, plotted, as he sus-
pected, against him ; and had received, it was said,
great sums of money from the Catholic faction. Ue
was surrounded by falsehood and suspicion; distracted
by contrary reports; and so strictly watched, that none
came near him but those whom the King permitted.
All this, however, did not prevent Zouch from
fulfilling the more secret part of his instructions;
nor, although he affected to be deeply shocked with
the political profligacy and dissimulation of the Seot-
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Lord Zouch to Bui^bley, 15tlL Jan.,
1593-4. Also, Ibid., same to the eaine, 26th January, 1593-4.
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burgbley, 27 th January,
1503-4. Also, ibid. B.C., lilr John Carey to Burgbley, 25th
January, 1593-4.
VOJ-, IX. h
146 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1593-4.
tish nobles, was he himself by any means a novice in
intrigue. Whilst assuring James of Elizabeth's un-
shaken friendship and zeal for his welfare, he opened
a conmiunication with his bitter foe, the fierce and
reckless Bothwell ; and arranged with this earl, John
Colvil brother of the Laird of Wemyss, Henry Lock
an agent of Sir Robert Cecil, and some of the most
violent ministers of the Kirk, a new plot for the sur-
prise of the King. It was resolved that Athol and
Argyll, with the whole strength of the North, should
advance to Edinburgh ; form a junction with the
forces of Bothwell, Montrose, Ochiltree, and the
Laird of Johnston ; and attacking the Chancellor
Maitland, Lord Hume, and the friends of the King,
at once destroy Huntly and the Roman Catholics,
save James from evil counsellors, and take an ample
revenge for the murder of the Earl of Murray.^ These
designs were the more unjustifiable at this moment,
as the monarch had adopted strong measures against
the Roman Catholic earls. He had declared them
excluded from all benefits of the Act of Abolition; had
summoned them, on the penalty of being outlawed,
to deliver themselves up, and take their trials for
treason; called a Parliament, which was to be held in
April ; appointed a new Council of more neutral and
well afiected nobles and barons ; and had professed to
Elizabeth, in a written answer to Zouch's instructions,
his continued desire of friendship and good faith.
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Lord Zouch to Burgbley, 15th Jan.,
1593-4, Also, MS. Brit. Mus., Caligula, D II., 151, Ijistruo-
tiona for J^oxi Zouob for treating with certain Lords m Scotland,
1593-4. JAMES VI. 147
In an interview, also, which Bowes the resident Am-
bassador had with James' great adviser the Chan-
cellor Maitland, the Scottish lord assured him
that his royal mistress need not distress herself with
suspicions of his master. He was steadfast, he affirm-
ed, in his religion, whatever Papists or the Kirk
might affirm : nothing would induce him to embrace
the Spanish courses ; and for an invasion of England,
he knew it would be madness.^ Yet Zouch continued
his plots; and Elizabeth undoubtedly gave them
her secret encouragement ; although, with her usual
caution and parsimony, she abstained from any large
advances either in money or troops.
In the midst of these intrigues and dangers a joy-
ful event occurred. The Queen brought forth a son,
her first child, in the castle of Stirling, on the 19th
February ; and the monarch immediately committed
the charge and government of the infant heir to the
throne, to the Earl of Mar, captain and keeper of the
castle of Stirling ; " whose uncle and goodsire, (it is
stated in the Act of Appointment,) by three descents
together, have had the custody and governance of the
sovereign Princes of this realm."* By the nation
this event was hailed with universal joy: an old
chronicle declaring that "the people, in all parts,
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 8th Jan., 1593-4.
IbicL, came to same, 15th Jan., 1593-4. Also, Ibid., same to
same, 20th Jan., 1593-4. Also, MS. St. P. Off., '' Councillon
newly established by the King of Scots," 17th Jan., 1593-4; in
Bnighley's handwriting. Also, Ibid., Bowes to Burghley, 20th
Jan., 1593-4. Also, Brit. Mns., Calignla, D II., 169, 182.
« MS, St, P. Off., 2l8t February, 1593, Lord of Mar anent
the keeping of the young Prince*
148 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
appeared to be daft for mirth."^ But scarcely was the
child bom ere he became a mark for treachery ; the
conspirators proposing to Lord Zonch, that when
they advanced on Stirling, they should strengthen
their hands by seizing the infant heir to the Crown,
and thus extort better terms from the King. It was
a game which had already been played in the days of
James the Third. The English Ambassador, however,
protested against such an outrage, and his associates
did not dare to disobey.
All was now ripe for Bothwell's attempt ; but
the King proved too crafty and strong for his adver-
saries. He had received secret information of the
plot ; seized a gentleman of Zouch's suite, who had
communicated with the traitors ; commanded Lord
Hume, Cessford, and Buccleugh, to concentrate their
strength at Kelso, where it was expected the
enemy would cross the Border; imprisoned some
of the boldest and busiest ministers ffi the Kirk ;
and addressing the people in the High Church
of Edinburgh after the sermon, informed them,
in stirring terms, of the insolence of Bothwell, that
audacious rebel, who was at that moment on his
way to attack his lawful Prince ; declared his reso-
lution to lead his whole force in person against him ;
and, raising his hand to heaven, took a solemn vow
to God, that if they, for their part, would instantly
arm and advance with him into the field, he, for his,
would never rest till, in return for such service, he
had utterly suppressed and banished the Catholic lords
' Moyse's MemoiTs, p. 113.
1594. JAMES VL 149
from his dominions.^ Scarcely had James ended this
appeal, when word was brought that Bothwell, who
had oat-manoeuvred Hume and Buccleugh, was at
hand, at Leith, with six hundred horse, awaiting the
junction of Athol and Argyll, whom he expected to
cross the Forth with their northern strength, and
showing intentions of intrenching himself within the
old fortifications on the Links. Without a moment's
delay, the King assembled his troops, and marched
against him. The advance consisted of a thousand
pikemen and five hundred horse; the rear, of the
infantry of the city of Edinburgh, in number about a
thousand musketeers ; and besides these, there were
three guns covered by a body of two hundred horse.
Despairing of being able to withstand such a force
within the intrenchments, Bothwell retired deliber-
ately, and in good order, in a south-easterly direction,
round the roots of the hill of Arthur Seat, towards
Niddry, where he halted on a neighbouring field*
which offered him an excellent position. James,
observing this movement, now dreaded an attack of
his capital on the south side, where it was undefended ;
and ordering Hume, at the head of the cavalry, to
advance to Niddry, countermarched through Edin-
burgh, and took up his ground with the remainder
of the troops on the Borough Muir. Meanwhile
Hume and Glammis had reached a hill beside Niddr}%
and were hesitating to make the onset, when Both-
well, Lord Ochiltree, and the gentlemen with them,
" after prayers on their knees," assailed them with
' Historic of J&mes the Sext, p. S04.
150 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
loud shouts of "God and the Kirk," drove them from
their ground, slew twelve of their troopers, and chased
them to within a short distance of the spot where
the King stood. They then sounded their trumpets,
andretired in good order hy Craigmillar without losing
a man. In this onset, Bothwell took Hume's comet
and trumpet, to whom he gave his liberty ; and pre-
senting him with two rose nobles, sent, by him, a
challenge to his master.^ This defeat took place on
an eminence beside Niddry, called Edmeston Edge.^
Bothwell now retreated to Kelso ; and aware of the
hopelessness of his enterprise, soon after dispersed his
company, and became once more a refugee in Eng-
land.
The King, delivered for the present from all
apprehensions on this quarter, now determined to
fulfil his promise, and deprive the Queen of England
and the ministers of the Kirk of all pretence of
opposition, by adopting the most vigorous proceed-
ings against the Catholic earls, Huntly, Angus, and
Errol. Proclamation was made, that these noble*
* We leam from Henry Lock's letter to Sir Robert, describing
ibe ^* raid," and written from Berwick only two days after tbe
action, that before they charged their adversaries, Bothwell and
his companions exclaimed, that ^' that day her Majesty sbonld see
proof of their intentions and faith." MS. Letter, St. P. Off.,
Henry Lock to Sir R. Cecil, 5th April, 1594. By a letter from
Bowes to Burghley of 13th April, 1594, St P. Off., and
another, of the same date, from Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, we leam,
that the management of Scottish affairs, ovring to the increasing
infirmities of Lord Burghley, had been intrusted, by the Queen,
to his son Sir Robert Cecil, one of the Privy Council,
' Moyse's Memoirs, p. 115,
1594. JAMES VI. 151
men should appear and take their trial before the
Parliament to be held in May. The whole force of
his realm was summoned to meet him in arms, to be
led against the rebels if they resisted ; and Colyil of
Easter Wemyss, one of the best military leaders
then in Scotland, with Mr Edward Bruce, an influ-
ential minister of the Kirk, were despatched on an
embassy to Elizabeth. The general object of their
mission was to assure her of their master's resolute
determination to reduce the Catholic earls, and for
eyer put an end to the Spanish intrigues ; but before
proceeding to any other point, they were enjoined to
remonstrate, in the strongest terms, against the sup-
port lately given in England to the King's avowed
rebel, the Earl of Bothwell. We have seen the
bitter and sarcastic letter which Elizabeth, three
months before, had sent to the King by the Lord
Zouch. It was now his time to reply to it, and have
his revenge ; which he did by the following private
epistle, intrusted to his Ambassadors, written wholly
in his own hand, and certainly not inferior either in
irony or vigour, to the production of his good sister.
" So many unexpected wonders, Madam and
dearest sister, have of late so overshadowed my eyes
and mind, and dazzled so all my senses, as in truth
I neither know what I should say, nor whereat first
to begin ; but thinking it best to take a pattern of
yourself, since I deal with you, I must, repeating
the first words of your last letter, (only the sex
changed,) say I me my sight that views the evident
spectacle of a seduced Qiieeii. For when I enter
152 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 1594.
betwixt two extremities in judging of you, I had far
rathest interpret it to the least dishonour on your
part, which is ignorant error. Appardon me. Ma-
dam ; for long approved friendship requires a round
plainness. For when first I consider what strange
effects have of late appeared in your country ; how
my avowed traitor hath not only been openly reset
in your realm, but plainly made his residence in your
proper houses, ever plainliest kything^ himself where
greatest confluence of people was ; and, which is most
of all, how he hath received English money in a
reasonable quantity; waged both English and Scottish
men therewith ; proclaimed his pay at divers parish
churches in England; convened his forces within
England, in the sight of all that Border ; and there-
from contemptuously marched, and camped within
a mile of my principal city and present abode, all his
trumpeters, and divers waged men, being English;
and being by myself in person repulsed from that
place, returned back in England with displayed ban-
ners ; and since that time, with sound of trumpet,
making his troops to muster within English ground :
when first, I say, I consider these strange effects,
and then again I call to mind, upon the one part,
what number of solemn promises, not only by your
Ambassadors but by many letters of your own hand,
ye have both made and reiterated unto me, that he
should have no harbour within your country, yea,
rather stirring me farther up against him, than seem-
ing to pity him yourself; and upon the other part,
* Kything liinrsolf— *^ofr?w/7 hhmtelf.
1594. JAMES vr. 153
weighing my desires towards you, — ^how far being a
friend to you I have ever been an enemy to all your
enemies, and the only point I can be challenged in,
that I take not such fonn of order, and at such time,
with some particular men of my subjects as perad-
venture you would, if you were in my room ; when
thus I enter in consultation with myself, I cannot
surely satisfy myself with wondering upon these above-
mentioned effects : for to affirm that these things are
by your direction or privity, it is so far against all
princely honour, as I protest I abhor the least thought
thereof. And again ; that so wise and provident a
Prince, having so long and liappily governed, should
be so fyled and contemned by a great number of her
own subjects, it is hardly to be believed : if I knew
it not to be a maxim in the state of Princes, that we
see and hear all with the eyes and ears of others, and
if these be deceivers, we cannot shun deceits.
" Now, Madam, I have refuge to you at this time,
as my only pilot to guide me safely betwixt this
Cliarjfbdis andScylh. Solve these doubts, and let it
be seen ye will not be abused by your own subjects,
who prefer the satisfying of their base-minded affec-
tions to your princely honour. That I wrote not the
answer of your last letters with your late Ambassa-
dor, (Lord Zouch,) and that I returned not a letter
with him, blame only, I pray you, his own behaviour ;
who, although it pleased you to term him wise, re-
ligious, and honest, had been fitter, in my opinion, to
carry the message of a herald, than any friendly
eommispion betwixt two nelsfhbour Princes : for as
154 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
no reason conld satisfy him, so scarcely could he have
patience even to hear it offered. But if you gave
him a large commission, I dare answer for it, he took
it as well upon him ; and, therefore, have I rather
chused to send you my answer by my own messen-
gers. SuflTer me not, I pray you, to be abused with
your abusers ; nor grant no oversight to oversee your
own honour. Remember what you promised by your
letter of thanks for the delivery of O'Rorick. I trust
ye will not put me in balance with such a traitorous
counterpoise, nor willingly reject me; constraining
me to say with Virgil —
^Flectere si nequeo superos^ Ackeronta moveho'
And to give you a proof of the continuance of my
honest affection, I have directed these two gentlemen
unto you, whom I will heartily pray you to credit as
myself in all they have in charge ; and because the
principal of them goes to France, to return the other
back with a good answer with all convenient speed."^
This spirited remonstrance had the best effect upon
Elizabeth, who, although she had encouraged Both-
well in his late audacious attempts, never felt much
scruple in discarding an unsuccessful instrument.
She was, accordingly, all smiles to the Ambassadors,
* Printed for the first time from the Warrender MSS. The
letter is dated Edinburgh, 13th April, 1594. In an interesting
volume, presented by Adam Anderson, Esq., Solicitor-general
for Scotland, (an old and valued friend of the author,) to the
Abbotsford Club, will be found, pp. 6, 7, James' letter of creden-
tial to his Ambassadors, Bruce and Wemyss, with a letter from
the King to the Earl of Essex, bespeaking his good offices.
1594, JAMES VI. 155
when, in their master's name, they invited her to
stand godmother at the approaching baptism of the
infant heir to the Scottish throne ; and although her
countenance changed when they spoke of money and
the necessities of their master, yet, even on this point,
Bruce, before his return, received a more favourable
answer than he had expected. She assured him,
that she would extend her liberality the moment
the King set out on his expedition against the Catho-
lic earls, and she saw that he was in earnest/
Colvil of Easter Wemyss, his brother Ambassador,
now proceeded to the Court of France ; whilst, about
the same time. Sir William Keith was despatched to
the United Provinces; and Mr Peter Young, the
King's almoner, to the Court of Denmark. The ob-
ject of all these missions was the same : to carry to
the King's faithful and ancient allies the happy news
of the birth of a Prince; to invite them to send their
representatives to the baptism, which had been fixed
for the 15th of July ; and to hint delicately to the
United States, but in perfectly intelligible terms, the
necessity of presenting, at that solemn ceremony,
something more substantial than congratulations.^
Important events now crowded rapidly on each
other. On the 30th of May, the Estates assembled ;
and as James' avowed determination to concentrate
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Mr Edward Bruce to Lord Burghley,
16tli May, 1594.
« .Warrender MSS. Collect, vol. A. p. 109. MS. St. P. Off.,
Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, Idth April, 1594. Also, Ibid., same to
same, 21st April, 1594. Also, Ibid^ Orig. Draft, Sir K. Cecil
to Sir R. Bowes, 17th May, 1594,
156 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
his whole strength against the Catholic earls, had
conciliated the Kirk and the English faction, all
proceeded amica.bly and firmly. Huntly, Angus, and
Errol, the three mighty leaders, who were now in
open rebellion, were forfeited, stript of their estates,
declared traitors,^ and a commission given to their
avowed enemy, the young Earl of Argyll, to assem-
ble the forces of the North, and pursue them with fire
and sword. All persons detected in saying Mass,
were ordered to be punished capitally, and their goods
confiscated. It was resolved, for the preservation of
the religion, and to confirm the amity between the
two realms, that there should be a thorough reforma-
tion in the King's Council ; and that Elizabeth's ad-
vice should be followed in such matters. The
Catholic Countess of Huntly, whose intercourse with
the King and Queen had been a constant thorn in
the side of the Kirk, was dismissed from Court;
Lord Hume recanted, and signed the Confession of
Faith, either convinced in conscience, or terrified by
impending severities; and the King declared, that
immediately after the baptism, he would march in
person, at the head of the whole strength of his do-
minions, against the Catholic insurgents.^
On the evening of the 27th August, the Earl of
Sussex — a young nobleman of the highest rank, and
connected, by blood, with his royal mistress — arrived
at the Scottish Court. He came from Elizabeth, to
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 30th May,
1594. Ibid., same to same, 9th June, 1594.
« 3IS. St. P. Off., Act of Secret Council, 23d July, 1594.
1594. JAMES VI. 157
stand her gossip, or representative, at the baptism of
the young Prince. He was attended by a noble re-
tinue, and brought some rich presents from the Queen
of England, with this brief letter of congratulation
and counsel : —
" I make a note of my happy destiny, my good
brother, in beholding my luck so fortunate as to be
the baptizer of both father and son, so dear unto
me ; and [this] makes me frame my humble orisons to
Him that all may,^ that he will please bless with all
happiness the prosperous continuance of both, in such
a sort as my benedictions bestowed on either may
be perfected through His omnipotent graces ; and do
promise a grant to my devotions, springing from a
fountain of such good will. And pray you believe,
that I never counsel or advise you aught whose first
end tends not to your most good ; and do conjure
you, that receiving so assured knowledge of what
your lewd lords [she alludes here to the Catholic
earls] mean, that you neglect not God's good warn-
ing, to cause you timely shun the worst. All Kings
have not had so true espiars of their harm, but have
felt it or they heard it ; but I am best testimony of
you to too many foretellers, in whom you never yet
found guile.*
" Thus will I end to trouble you with ragged
lines ; saving to request you bear with the youth of
this noble Earl, in whom, though his years may not
> To Him that can do all things.
* Obflcure. Probably, ^ But I in whom you never yet found
guile, am the beat amongst many forQwamers,
158 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
promise him much, yet I hope his race, and his good
nature, will afford your honourable regard, both for
his parentage, and being of my blood, as coming from
such a Prince, of whom you may make surest account,
to be assured such as you could wish, os God can
best witness, — ^to whom I pray you to grant you
always victory of your evil subjects."^
When Sussex delivered his letter and presents, the
King was in the highest bustle and good humour;
engrossed not only with the many weighty concerns
connected with his approaching " Rode," or military
expedition, but devising sports and pastimes for the
entertainment of his foreign guests the Ambassadors,
and planning, with the Lord of Lindores and Mr
David Fowler his masters of the revels, a variety of
princely pageants, with " deep moral meanings ;"
one of which, the Interlude of " Neptune," was the
fruitful product of his Majesty's own private brain.
The expense incurred in these triumphs and shows,
in which there was an unusual allowance of chariots,
mimic ships. Christian knights, rural deities. Moors,
windmills, and amazons, must have been excessive,
judging from the account of a contemporary pamph-
let, written in the highest style of quaint and courtly
composition.* The baptism itself took place on the
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 27th August,
1594. Also, Royal Letters, St. P. Off., Copy of her Majesty's
Letter to the King of Scots.
2 St. P. Off. A rare pamphlet, entitled, « A True Report of
the most Triumphant and Royal Accomplishment of the Baptism
of the most Excellent Right High and Mighty Prince Frederick
JBenry, by the Gr^ice of God, Prince of Scotl^d, eol^mniv^d 3(Hh
1594. JAMES VI. 159
30th of August, in the royal chapel at Stirling castle«
The infant Prince was carried by Sussex, Elizabeth's
Ambassador. He was christened by Cunningham
Bishop of Aberdeen, by the name of Frederick Henry,
Henry Frederick ; and when the solemn ceremony
was concluded, and the King, the Ambassadors
and nobles, with the Queen and her ladies of honour,
retired from the chapel to the hall of State, " the
cannons of the castle roared, so that therewith the
earth trembled ; and other smaller shot," says one of
the city orators of the time, " made their harmony
after their kind." The infant was then knighted
by his royal father, " touched with the spur" by the
Earl of Mar ; and being crowned with a ducal coro-
net, richly set with diamonds, sapphires, and other
precious stones. Lion King of Arms proclaimed his
titles, as " The Right Excellent, High, and Magna-
nimous Frederick Henry, Henry Frederick, by the
Grace of God, Knight and Baron of Renfrew, Lord
of the Isles, Earl of Carrick, Duke of Rothesay,
Prince and Great Steward of Scotland."^ The
pageants succeeded; but their details would only
fatigue. It is amusing to find that the King himself
did not disdain to take a part, apparelled at all points
as a Christian Knight of Malta ; whilst a worshipful
baron, the Lord of Buccleugh, with Lord Lindores
and the Abbot of Holyrood, in women's attire and
gallantly mounted, enacted three amazons. The
Anguat, 1594. Printed by Peter Short, fop the Widow Butter,
To be sold at her shop under St Austin's Church,
I Id. Ibid*
160 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
ceremony beiug concluded, and the voice of revelry
hashed in the palace, the Earl of Sussex, after a few
days, took leave, bearing with him this letter from
the King to his royal mistress. It is wholly written
in James' hand : —
'^ I could not permit, Madam and dearest sister,
now after the ending of this solemn time, the noble-
man bearer hereof to depart without returning with
him unto you my most hearty thanks for the honour-
ing me with so noble a substitute gossip in your
place. And where ye excuse his youth, surely he was
the fitter for a young king and feasting days. But I
cannot aneuch^ commend unto you his extreme dili-
gence in coming, and courteous and mild behaviour
here ; which moves me to request you to cherish so
noble a youth, now after his first employment.
" As for the other part of his commission and your
letter, which concerns the Spanish lords here, ye can
be no eamester now in that matter than I am, who
has now renounced any farther dealing with them
but by extremity; and presently have I vowed my-
self only to that errand, and never to take rest until I
put some end thereunto. And suppose ye may justly
accuse (as ever ye do) my deferring so long to put
order unto them ; yet, according to an old proverb,
it is better laie thrive than never; and surely I will
think my fault the more excuseable if the example
thereof make you to eschew the falling in the like
error, in making your assistance not to come as far
behind the time as my prosecution does. But in this
* Ancucfif Scottish for enouj^b.
1594- JABIES vi. 161
I remit you to your own wisdom ; for you are not
ignorant how occasion is painted. And now I can-
not omit to lay before you some incident griefs of
mine; but least I weary you too much with my
ragged handwrit, I remit the particulars hereof to
the report of this nobleman, only touching thus far by
the way. I think ye have not given commission to
any of your Council to treat with Bothwell's ambas-
sador, nor yet allow that his agent, and one guilty
of all his treasons, should use his public devotion
in the French Kirk, in presence of my Ambassador ;
who, indeed, was better furnished with patience at
the sight thereof than he is likely to get thanks for
at my hands : yet now. Madam, none can brook me
and Bothwell both. Examine secretly your coun-
cillors, and suffer them not to behave themselves
more to your dishonour than my discontentment.
Ovly honestum utile estj pracipue regibus ; and if James
Forret or any other Bothwellist be at present within
your country, I crave, by these presents, delivery
according to the treaties, your many hand-written
promises, and my good deserts by O'Rorick. And thus
not doubting, as it hath been your fortune to be god-
mother both to me and my son, so ye will be a, good
motJier to us both ; I conunit you, Madam and dear-
est sister, to the protection of the Almighty."^
For these suspicions of James there was too much
ground ; as it is certain that Sir Robert Cecil, who,
on account of the increasing infirmities of his father
1 MS. St. P. Off., Royal Letters, James to Elizabeth, 11th Sep-
tember, 1594, Holyrood. Printed for the first time.
VOL. IX. M
162 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
Lord Buighley, now managed the Scottish affairs,
had secret intelligence with Bothwell. The Catholic
earls were now alluring this audacious man, by Span-
ish gold, to make common cause with them against
the Scottish King. Bothwell, on the other hand,
with consummate baseness, had proposed to Cecil to
accept the money and betray their secrets to the
Queen of England, if she would still stand his friend
in his present distress and misery. But he was no
longer the proud and powerful partisan whom Eliza^
beth had once so highly fovoured ; and the moment
she discovered that James had detected his intrigues,
she threw him from her with as much indifference as
she would a broken sword; commanded him to leave
her dominions; and interdicted her subjects, under the
severest penalties, from giving him harbour or assis-
tance. He was no longer permitted, in the strong
language which the King himself used in his remon-
strance to Sussex, to *^ tak muster, display comet or
ensign, blaw trumpet, strike drum," or even in any
way live and breathe within England.^
Having secured this expulsion of his mortal enemy,
James assembled a Convention at Stirling,^ and made
the most active preparations for the attack of the
Catholic earls. On both sides a violent and deter-
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Mr John Colvil to Sir R. Cecil,
whom he addresses as ^^ his honorable Lord and Maecenas,'' diet
July, 1594. Also, Ibid., Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 3d August, 1594.
Also, Ibid., Royal Letters, '' The Effect of the King of Scots
Speech to the Earl of Sussex," 1594.
s MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Earl of Sussex to Sir R. Cecil, 8th Sept.,
1594.
1594. JAMES VI. 163
mined struggle was anticipated; as there were many
deep feelings and bitter passions which festered in
the minds of the leaders and their hosts. With the
Kirk, it was a war of religious persecution, or rather
extermination. Their avowed object was to depose
Antichrist^ and to compel all Catholics to recant or
at once give up their lands, their honours, and their
country, for their privilege to adhere to that Church
which they believed to be of divine origin and the
only depository of the truth. But to these feelings
were added, as may be easily imagined, many motives
and passions of baser alloy : ambition ; love of plun-
der; deep feudal hatred; long-delayed and fondly-
cherished hopes of revenge ; and all that catalogue
of dark and merciless passions which spring from
the right of private war and the prevalence of family
feuds. These all raged in the bosoms of the opposed
leaders and combatants; and the exacerbation they
produced, was shovni alike by the energy of their
preparations and the cruelty with which they fought.
Huntly, Angus, Errol, and Auchendown, since their
refusal of the Act of Abolition, had been gathering
their strength, and were now busily engaged in
levying recruits, partly at their own charges, partly
with Spanish gold, of which they had received re-
peated supplies. It had been now for many years
the practice of Elizabeth, with the permission of
James, to employ large bodies of Scottish auxiliaries
in her wars in the Low Countries. Scottish troops,
also, often served in Ireland; and the Highland
chiefs had long driven a lucrative and warlike com-
164 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594*
merce with that country, selling their services to
the highest bidder, and carrying over large bodies of
pikemen, bowmen, and even of hagbutteers, to the as-
sistance of Elizabeth or her enemies, as it best suited
their interest. From these causes, there were now in
Scotland many experienced officers and numerous
bands of mercenaries, ready, like the Italian Con-
dottierij or the Swiss bands, to offer their service
wherever they heard the tuck of drum or the clink of
gold ; and as Huntly had high reputation as a mili-
tary leader, lived in almost regal splendour in his
palace at Strathbogie, and was young, generous, and
brave, the Catholic camp was in no want of recruits,
and soon assumed a formidable appearance. He was
now also joined by Bothwell,' who, driven to des-
peration by the mortal hatred of the Scottish King ;
his recent proscription by the Queen of England;
his desertion by the Kirk, who had detected his
dealings with the Catholics; and the hunting down,
torturing, and execution of his poor vassals, had
been unable to resist the bribes held out to him.
The papers still exist which enable us to trace the
last struggles and plots of this desperate man ; but
we can only give them a passing glance. It was
arranged between him and his new associates, that
when Huntly was engaged in the North, Bothwell
should make a diversion in the South ; thus distract-
ing the King and dividing his forces. But this was
not all. He entered into an agreement with his new
friends, in which it was proposed, by a sudden coup
de main, to attack the Court, imprison the King,
1594. JAMES VI. 165
seize the infant Prince, murder Sir George Hume the
King's fiiYOurite; and, as he himself expressed it in his
letter to the ministers of the Kirk, " put in practice
the loveahle custom of their progenitors at LaudeVy^
by completely revolutionizing the Government.^ It
was asserted, and on good grounds, that the usual
" Band," or feudal agreement in such conspiracieSf
was drawn up and signed by the enterprisers ; but the
time for its execution was not fixed ; and the seizure
of some of the inferior agents, with the course of events
in the North, happily rendered the whole plot abortive.
These events were of a stirring and romantic kind ;
for, on the 21st September, Argyll having received
the royal commission to pursue Huntly and his asso-
ciates, set out on his expedition at the head of a
force of six thousand men. Of this army, three thou-
sand only were chosen men, bearing harquebuses,
bows, and pikes ; the rest being more slenderly equipt,
both as to body-armour and weapons. Of cavalry,
he had few or none ; but he expected to be joined by
Lord Forbes, with the Laird of Towey, ithe Dun-
bars, and other barons, who, it was hoped, would
form a strong reinforcement, and be mostly mounted.^
It had been the King's intention to postpone the attack
upon the insurgent barons till he had assembled the
whole force of his realm, and was ready to take the
command in person. But the ministers of the Kirk
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bothwell to the Presbytery of Edin-
burgh, 7th September, 1594.
« MS. Letter, St. P.pff., Bowes to;Sir R. Cecil, 27th Sq>t.,
166 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1594.
urged the danger of delay : some of them even buckled
on their broadswords and rode to the camp ; whilst
Argyll himself, young, (he was only nineteen,)
ardent, and acting under the stimulus of personal
revenge, determined on instant action. He had al-
ready, he said, been twice on the eve of marching,
and twice been countermanded; but now the slaughter
of his brother-in-law, the Earl of Murray, should be
avenged on Huntly; to whom he sent a message that,
within three days, he meant to sleep at Strathbogie.
To this taunting challenge Huntly replied, that Argyll
should be welcome : he would himself be his porter,
and open all the gates of his palace to his young
friend ; but he must not take it amiss if he rubbed
his cloak against Argyll's plaid ere they parted.^
On advancing to Aberdeen, Argyll ordered Red
Lion, the herald, to proclaim the royal commis-
sion by sound of trumpet in the market-place,
and appointed Sir Lauchlan Maclean of Duart to
the chief command under himself. He was join-
ed by the Macintoshes, the Grants, the Clan Gregor,
the Macgillivrays, with all their friends and depen-
dants, and by the whole surname of the Campbells;
with many others, whom either greediness of prey or
malice against the Gordons had thrust into that
expedition. These, including the rabble of camp-
followers, or, as Bowes terms them, " rascals and
poke-bearers,'' formed a body of ten thousand strong.
But of this number only six thousand were fighting
• > MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Sir R. CecD, 28tb Sept.,
1594. Historie of James the Sext, p. 330.
1
1594. JAMES VI. 167
men ; and out of these there were not above fifteen
himdred dificiplined hagbutteers, chiefly serving under
Maclean ; the rest being promiscuously armed with
dirks, Bwordsy dags, Lochaber axes^ two-handed
swords, and bows and arrows. He had neither
cavalry nor artillery ; and a large part of his force
was totally regardless of discipline, disdaining com-
mand, composed of chieftains and; people distracted
by old feuds and suspicions, marching, as described
by an eye-witness, " at raggle and in plumps, with-
out order."
With this army Argyll proceeded into Badenoch,
and besieged the castle of Ruthven, belonging to
Huntly; but the place was bravely defended by
the Macphersons. He had no means of battering the
walls; and abandoning the siege, he led his troops
through the hills to Strathbogie. It was his purpose
to ravage this country, which belonged to Huntly,
with fire and sword; and thence come down into
the Lowlands to form a junction with Lord Forbes,
who, with his own kin and the Erasers, Dunbars,
Ogilvies, Leslies, and others, were at that moment
on their way to meet him. With this object, he
arrived on the 2d of October at Brimmin in Strath-
down, where he encamped ; ^ and soon after received
news that Himtly and Errol were in the neighbour-
hood, and purposed to attack him, in spite of their
great inferiority in force. The disparity was indeed
great ; for the Catholic earls coidd not muster above
fifteen hundred, or, at most, two thousand men. But
of these the greater part were resolute and gallant
' Warrender MSS,, B., p. y.
168 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
gentlemen, all well mounted and fully anned; and
amongst them some officers of veteran experience,
who had served in the Low Countries. They had,
besides, six pieces of ordnance, which were placed
under the charge of Captain Andrew Gray, who
afterwards commanded the English and Scottish
auxiliaries in Bohemia.^
On the morning of the 3d of October, Huntly,
who had marched from Strathbogie to Auchen-
dovm, the castle of Sir Patrick Gordon, having
received word by his scouts that Argyll was at no
great distance, sent Captain Thomas Ker, a veteran
officer, at the head of a small body of cavalry, to
view the enemy and report their strength: In exe-
cuting this, he fell in with Argyll's " spials," and
slew them all except one, who brought him to the
vicinity of their encampment, which was near Glen-
livat, in the mountainous district of Strathavon. On
his return. Captain Ker concealed the number of
their opponents, affirming that a few resolute men
might easily have the advantage ; and Huntly, follow-
ing his advice, instantly marched forward. Errol led
the advance, supported by Sir Patrick Gordon of
Auchendown, the Lairds of Gight, Bonniton Wood,
and Captain Ker and three hundred gentlemeo.
Huntly commanded the rearward, having on his right
the Laird of Clunie-Gordon, on his left Gordon of
Abergeldie, and the six pieces of artillery so placed
as to be completely masked, or covered by the
cavalry, so that they were dragged forward unper-
* Warrender MSS., Vol. B., p. 9, d.; in which there is a minute
contemporary account of the battle of Glenlivat.
1594. JAMES VI. 169
ceived within range of the enemy's position. They
then opened their fire ; and on the first discharge,
which was directed at the yellow standard of Argyll,
struck down and slew Macneill, the Laird of Barra's
third son, one of their bravest officers, and Campbell
of Lochnell, who held the standard. This successful
commencement occasioned extraordinary confusion
amongst the Highlanders, to many of whom the terrible
efiects of artillery were even at this late day unknown;
and a large body of them, yelling and brandishing
their broadswords and axes, made some ineffectual
attempts to reach the horsemen; but receiving another
fire from the little ordnance-train of Captain Gray,
they took to fiight, and in an incredibly short time
were out of sight and pursuit. Still, however, a large
body remained ; and Argyll had the advantage not
only of the sun, then shining fiercely in the eyes of
his opponents, glancing on their steel coats and mak-
ing the plain appear on fire, but of the ground : for
his army were arrayed on the top of a steep hill
covered with high heather and stones, whilst the
ground at the bottom was soft and mossy, full of
holes, — called in that country peat-pots, and dan-
gerous for cavalry. But all this did not deter
Huntly's vanguard, under Errol and Auchendown,
from advancing resolutely to the attack. Errol, how-
ever, dreading the marsh, made an oblique move-
ment by some firmer ground which lay on one side,
and hoped thus to turn the flank of the enemy ; but
Sir Patrick Gordon of Auchendown, urged on by his
fiery temper, spurred his horse directly towards the
170 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
faill, and getting entangled with his men in the mosey
ground, was exposed to a murderous fire from the force
under Maclean of Duart. This chieftain was con-
spicuous from his great stature and strength ; he was
covered with a shirt of mail, wielded a double-edged
Danish battle-axe, and appears to have been a more
experienced officer than the rest, as he placed his
men, who were mostly hagbutteers, in a small copse-
wood hard by, from which they could deliver their
fire, and be screened from the attack of cavalry. Auch-
endown, nevertheless, although his ranks were dread-
fully thinned by this fire of the enemy's infantry, man-
aged to disengage them, and spurring up the hill,
received a bullet in the body, and fell from his
horse; whilst his companions shouted with grief
and rage, and made desperate efforts to rescue him.
The Highlanders, however, who knew him well,
rushed in upon him, despatched him with their
dirks, and cutting off his head displayed it in
savage triumph, — a sight which so enraged the Gor-
dons, that they fought with a fury which alike dis-
regarded discipline and life. This gave an advantage
to Maclean, who, enclosing the enemy's vanguard,
and pressing it into narrow space between his own
force and Argyll's, would have cut them to pieces
had not Huntly come speedily to their support and
renewed the battle; attacking both Argyll and
Maclean with desperate energy, and calling loudly
to his friends to revenge Auchendown. It was at
this moment that some of the Gordons caught a
sight of Fraser, the King's herald, who rode
1594. JAMES VI. 171
beside Argyll, and was dressed in his tabard, with
the Red Lion embroidered on it, within the double
tressore. This ought to have been his protection ;
but it seemed rather to point him out as a victim :
and the horsemen shouting out, " Have at the Lion,''
ran him through with their spears, and slew him on
the spot. The battle was now at its height, and
raged for two hours with the utmost cruelty. Enrol
waa severely wounded with a bullet in the arm, and
by one of the sharp-barbed arrows of the Highland
bowmen which pierced deep into the thigh. He
lost his pennon, or guidon, also ; which was won by
Maclean. Gordon of Gight was struck with three
bullets through the body, and had two plaits of his
steel coat carried into him ; wounds which next day
proved mortal. Huntly himself was in imminent danger
of his life ; for his horse was shot under him, and the
Highlanders were about to attack him on the ground
with their knives and axes, when he was extricated
and horsed again by Innermarkie; after which he
again chained the enemy under Argyll, whose troops
wavered, and at last began to fly in such numbers
that only twenty men were left round him. Upon
this the young chief, overcome with grief and vexa-
tion at so disgraceful a desertion, shed tears of rage,
and would have still renewed the fight, had not Mur-
ray of Tullibardin seized his bridle and forced him
off the field. Seeing the day lost, Maclean, who had
done most, and suffered least iu this cruel fight, with-
drew his men from the wood, and retired in good
order; but seven hundred Highlanders were slain in the
172 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
chase, which was continued till the steepness of the
mountains rendered further pursuit impossible. Such
was the celebrated battle of Glenlivat. The loss on
Huntly's side was mostly of gentlemen, of whom Sir
Patrick Gordon of Auchendown, his uncle, " a wise,
valiant, and resolute knight," was chiefly lamented.
Besides him, twenty other gentlemen were slain, and
some forty or fifty wounded; but the victory was com-
plete, and recalled to memory the bloody fight of
Harlaw, in 1411, between the Earl of Mar and
Donald Balloch ; in which, under somewhat similar
circumstances, the superior armour and discipline of
the Lowland knights proved too strong for the fero-
cious but irregular efforts of a much larger force of
Highlanders.^
During these transactions, the King, unconscious of
this reverse, had left his palace at Stirling, and ad-
vanced with his array to Dundee, where Argyll, in per-
son, brought him the news of his own defeat. James,
however, was more enraged than dismayed by this in-
telligence. He had left his capital so well defended^
that he dreaded nothing from Both well. He knew that,
from the exhausted state of the country, it would be
impossible for Huntly to keep his forces together; and
he swore that the death of a royal herald, who had
been murdered with the King's coat on, should be
avenged on these audacious rebels. Nor did he fail
^ The above account of the battle of Glenlivat is taken chiefly
from the original letters of Bowes, who was on the spot.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 3d October.
Ibid., 8th October. Ibid., 12th October, 1594.;
1594. JAMES vr. 173
to keep his promise. In spite of the severity of the
season, he advanced with his army to Aberdeen,
attended by Andrew Melvil and a body of the min-
isters of the Kirk, who, with the feeling that this
was a crusade against the infidels, had joined the
camp, and loudly applauded the meditated vengeance of
the monarch.^ He thence pushed on to Strathbogie.
This noble residence of Huntly,^ which had been
fourteen years in building, was blown up with gun-
powder, and levelled in two days; nothing being left
but the great old tower, whose massive masonry
defied the efforts of the pioneers ; whilst its master,
deserted by his barons and dependants, fled into the
mountainous parts of Caithness.^ James had been
much incensed against him by the scornful contents
of an intercepted letter written to Angus, in which
Huntly spoke of the King's rumoured campaign as
likely to turn out a ''gowk*s storm.'' ^ Slanes in
Buchan, the principal castle of Errol, who still lay
languishing from his wounds ; Culsamond in Garioch,
the house of the laird of Newton-Gordon ; Bagays
and Craig in Angus, the castles of Sir Walter Lind-
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 23d Oct., 1594.
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off. B.C., Carey to Sir Jl. Cecil, 18tli
November, 1594. "The castle and palace of Strathbogy clean
cast down and brent" Also, MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Occorrents,
29th October, 1594.
» MS. Letter, St P. Off., Bowes to Sir B. Cecil, 29tli Oct, 1594.
Ibid., same to same, 29th Oct, 1594. MS. St P. Off., Occur-
rcnts, 28th and 29th October.
* "Gowk" is the Scottish word for the "Cuckoo." An April
storm.
174 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 1594.
say and Sir John Ogilvy, successively shared the fate
of Strathbogie. Indeed, there is little doubt that
the royal severity, whetted by the exhortations of
Andrew Melvil, who bore a pike and joined the sol-
diers in the destruction of Strathbogie, would have
Mien still heavier on this devoted district, had not
famine, and the remonstrances of Thirlstane and
Glammis, compelled the King to fall back upon
Aberdeen.^ Here, after the execution of some of
Huntl/s men, he published a general pardon to sdl
the Commons who had been in the field at the battle
of Glenlivat, upon their payment of the fines imposed
by the Council.* He then appointed the Duke of
Lennox to be his lieutenant or representative in the
North, assisted by a council of barons and ministers.
Amongst the civilians were the Earl Marshal, Lord
Forbes, Sir Robert Melvil, and Sir John Carmichael,
vnth the Lairds of Dunipace, Findlater,andBalquhan ;
whilst of the ministry, were Mr David Lindsay, Mr
James Nicolson, Mr Peter Blackburn, Mr Alexander
Douglas, and Mr Duncan Davison. A charge was
next given to the barons and gentlemen who resided
north of the river Dee, to apprehend all the rebels
within their boundaries ; and although in the greatest
possible distress for money to pay his troops, the King,
who trusted to the solemn promises of Elizabeth,
made an e£fbrt to keep them together ; and left behind
him a body of two hundred horse, and one hundred
1 MS. St. P. Off., 3d November, 1594, Occurrents certified
from Aberdeen.
« MS. St. P. Off., Occurrents, 3d November, 1594.
1594. JAMES VI. 176
foot, under the command of Sir John Carmichael.
These were ordered to assist the Duke of Lennox,
whose residence was to be in Aberdeen, Elgin, or
Inverness, until Argyll, who had been appointed
by James to the permanent government of the
North, should assemble his friends and relieve him
of his charge. Meanwhile, the Duke was empowered
to hold Justice Ayres, or courts for the punishment
of offenders ; and the barons and gentlemen of the
North bound themselves, before the King's departure,
in strict promises of support.^ Having completed
these judicious arrangements, the monarch disbanded
his forces, and returned to Stirling on the 14th
November.^
1 MS. Books of the Privy Council of Scotland, 7th Nov., 1594.
MS. St P. Off., Occnnrents sent from Aberdeen, 8th Nov., 1594.
« M& St. P. Off., Abstract of letters from Edinburgh, 16th
November, 1594.
176 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
CHAP. IV.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1594—1597.
GONTEMPORABY PRINCES.
England, i Frantt. | Germany, i Spain, I Pwiugal. I Pope.
lElizabetb. | UoniylV. I Rudolph II. | FhUipII. I PhUipU. | CtancotVIlI.
James had now fulfilled all his promises to Elizabeth ;
and by the severity with which he had put down the
rebellion of the Catholic earls, had more than fulfilled
the expectations of the Kirk. The castles and houses
which were said to have been polluted by the Mass,
were smoking and in ruins ;^ the noblemen and
gentry, whose only petition had been, that they
should be permitted to retain their estates, and have
their rents transmitted to them in the banishment
which they had chosen rather than renounce the
faith of their fathers, were fugitives and wanderers,
hiding in the caves and forests, and dreading every
hour to be betrayed into the bauds of their enemies.^
All this had been accomplished at no little personal
risk : for the King was surrounded by perpetual plots
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Sir R. Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 28th
September, 1594.
» MS. St. P. Off., Bowes, 29th October, 1594.
1594. JAMES VI. 177
against bis liberty, and sometimes even against bis
life.^ He bad cbeerfully undergone great privations :
bad impoverisbed bis revenue, incurred beavy debts,
and imposed burdens upon bis subjects, tbat be migbt,
by one great effort, extinguisb the Catbolic faitb,
destroy tbe bopes and intrigues of Spain, and relieve
the Queen of England from all ber fears. He bad
done this, trusting to her promises of tbat pecuniary
aid which was absolutely necessary for the payment
of his troops ; and before be set out, had despatched
bis secretary, Sir Robert Cockbum, to tbe English
Court,' with tbe perfect confidence that everything
which had been undertaken by "bis good sister"
would be fulfilled.
In this, however, be was miserably disappointed.
Whilst tbe King was engaged in burning and razing tbe
booses of tbe Catholics, Elizabeth and tbe now vener-
able Burgbley were closeted at Greenwich, laying their
heads together to find out some plausible excuse for
stopping the payment of tbe promised supplies. Cock-
bum, tbe Ambassador, was artfully detained and de-
layed from week to week, and month to month, till
the result of the campaign could be guessed with some
certainty. When this was ascertained, the sum of
two thousand pounds, for which an order had been
given, was recalled;^ and a paper was drawn up by
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 7th Oct., 1594.
-Also, Ibid., Occorrentfl, 8th Nov., 15 94, and 16th Nov., 1594.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Sir R. Cockbum to Sir R. Cecil, 16th
September, 1594.
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Sir R. Bowes to Burghley, 23d Oct.,
1594.
VOL. IX. N
178 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
Lord Burghley, detailing the sums paid by England to
James since the year 1586, and proving, to the perfect
satisfaction of Elizabeth if not of James, that instead of
any money being then due to the King of Scotland, he
had been overpaid tothe extentofsixthousandfive hun-
dred pounds.^ This, the Queen added, was at the rate
of three thousand pounds a-year ; which James could
hardly complain of, as it was the exact allowance given
both to her sister Mary and herself by their father
Henry the Eighth : and yet the Scottish King now
pretended that she had promised an annuity of four
thousand pounds ; which she positively denied.
For this unwise and double conduct in the Queen
there could be no defence. She had first excited James
to this northern expedition by flattery and large pro-
mises of support ; she now forgot all, and deserted him
without scruple or remorse. Such a mode of pro-
ceeding roused his passion to a pitch of unusual fury;
and when Sir R. Cockbum returned, the storm broke
pitilessly on his head. The King, at the same time,
expressed, in no moderate terms, his rage and sus-
picion against Burghley and Sir Robert Cecil, by
whose advice Elizabeth had acted ; and some busy
courtiers blew the coals, by assuring him that both
father and son were involved in the intrigues and
treasons of Bothwell. Had the Queen kept her pro-
mises, (so he said ;) had she not thrown to the winds
her solemn assurances made him by her Ambassadors
Lord Burgh and Lord Zouch, the land would have
1 MS. St. P. Off. B.C., Scottish payments, 5th Nov., 1594.
The indorsation is in Burghley s hand.
1594. JAMES VI. 179
been utterly purged of the enemies to God, religion,
and both the countries. But now matters might
proceed as they pleased. If the enemy revived ; if
they began again to look confidently for Spanish
money, and Spanish messengers ; if recruits were
raised in the Isles to assist the Catholics and O'Neill
in Ireland ; if the rebel earls and Bothwell had met
together as they were reported to have done ; if, in
his own Council, plots were being carried on in favour
of the Catholics, and his own life was not safe from
the efforts of desperate men, who had conspired to set
up the young Prince, and pull him from his royal
seat : all these manifold dangers and miseries were
to be ascribed most justly to his desertion by Eliza-
beth. He had performed his part, and more than
redeemed all the pledges which he had given. She
had not only failed in all her promises, but now had
the hardihood to disavow them ; and she might take
the consequences. If he was himself compelled to
look to other friendships, and accept of other oflTers
of assistance contrary to his own wishes; if the
members of his Council, who were inclined to the
Catholic side, had now more to say than before ; if
at the moment when Spanish intrigues were about
to be extinguished for ever, he was arrested in his
course ; all was her fault, not his.^ He must now
strengthen himself as he best could, and place no
more implicit reliance upon English promises.
It was impossible to deny the justice of these com-
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Sir R. Cockburn to Sir R. Bowes,
12th Dec., 1594.
180 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
plaints ; and although for the moment all was quiet
in the North under the government of the Duke
of Lennox, there were many subjects for anxiety.
The King's debts were enormous, and more money
still was imperiously required to pay his troops and
retain the advantages he had acquired. His late
severities to the Catholic earls, and his alliance with
the Kirk, the ministers of which now lauded as highly
as they had vituperated him, had lost him the friend-
ship of all his foreign allies, and of the influential
body of the English Catholics ; and within his own
Court and Council there were so many rivalries and
jealousies, so much plotting and intriguing, that, on
his return, he found the campaign in the North
almost less irksome than the civil battles he had to
fight in his own palace. The great struggle was be-
tween the Lord Chancellor Thirlstane and the Earl
of Mar. Thirlstane's faction was strong; embracing
Hamilton, Athol, Hume, Bucoleugh, Ogilvy, and many
others. Mar, on the other hand, had the keeping of
the Prince, commanded the castles of Stirling and
Edinburgh, and enjoyed the complete confidence of
the King, who had become somewhat suspicious and
impatient under the grasping and increasing power
of the Chancellor.
But James had another and nearer source of anxiety
in the Queen, who was equally the enemy of Mar and
Thirlstane. This Princess, for a considerable period
after her marriage, appears to have shunned all inter-
ference with party or public affairs; but she was
jealous of Thirlstane, who had opposed her marriage,
1594. JAMES VI. 181
and was said to have secretly attacked her honour ;
and of Mar, because her son, the young heir to the
throne, had been committed in charge to him rather
than to her. Besides, she and the King, though out-
wardly liying on fair and decent terms, were neither
loving nor confidential. James' cold temperament
and coarse jokes disgusted the Queen, who was not
insensible to admiration; and she consoled herself, for
the desertion of her lord, in the more attractive society
of the young Duke of Lennox, the noblest of the Scot-
tish courtiers. This, on the other hand, roused the
royal jealousy ; and about the time of the christening,
Mr John Colvil assured Sir Robert Cecil, whom he
calls his most honourable lord and Maecenas, that
matters were on a very miserable footing, He writes
as follows : —
" These few lines I thought meet only to put in
your hands, to go no further but to her Majesty, and
your most honourable father my special good lord.
It is certain that the King has conceived a great jeal-
ousy of the Queen, which bums the more the more
he covers it. The Duke is the principal suspected.
The Chancellor casts in materials to this fire. The
Queen is forewarned ; but with the like cunning will
not excuse, till she be accused. * Haec sunt incendia
malorum ;' and the end can be no less tragical nor
was betwixt his parents. The President of the Ses-
sion, called the Prior of Pluscardine, is by her indi-
rectly stirred up to counterpoise the Chancellor, who
she blames of all these slanders ; and the Chancellor
is indirectly supported by the other : both the princes
182 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
holding the Wolf by the ears."^ We know also, from
a letter of Mr James Murray, a gentleman of the
bed-chamber, that, about this time, a plot had been
laid for the " disgrace of the Queen and the Duke of
Lennox ; and to so bitter and mortal an excess had
the King's fears and jealousy proceeded shortly be-
fore the baptism, that he had doubts as to the pater-
nity of prince Henry."^ On the 30th of July, a month
before the baptism, Colvil wrote thus to Sir R. Cecil:
The '^ King repents him sore that he has made such
convention to this baptism; for upon the jealousy
mentioned in my last he begins to doubt of the child.
I think he had not been baptized at this time if so
many Princes had not been invited. That matter
takes deep r:oot upon both sides.
Nocte dieque suos gestant in pectore fastos,
Incautofi perdet tacita flamma duos."
It is possible that all this may have been much
exaggerated by Colvil, and that Bothwell's gossip to
the Dean of Durham, Toby Mathews, of the King's
love for the beautiful daughter of the Earl of Morton,
may have been equally highly coloured ; but there
can be little doubt that James and his royal con-
sort were not on comfortable terms ; and it seems
certain that the Queen about this time, not only
placed herself at the head of a faction which nnm-
1 MS. St. P. Off., Mr. John Colvil to Sir R. Cecil, 26ih July,
1594. ;A1so, MS. St. P. Off., Mr James Murray to *' Faithful
Gawane," 16th Aug., 1594.J
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., James Murray to his Faithful
Gawane, 16th August, 1594; and Ibid., Mr John Colvil to Sir B,
Cecil,
1594. JAMES VI- 183
bered in its ranks some of the most powerful noUes,
but b^an to have considerable weight both in the
Court and with the country.
In the North, also, everything was in commotion; for
although Lennox had, for a brief season, succeeded in
restoring tranquillity, by the vigour with which he
had executed the charge committed to him, all be-
came again disordered on his retirement from office.
The great cause of these excesses was to be traced
to some extraordinary discoveries made at this time
by the young Earl of Ai^ll, which showed that
treachery, not cowardice, had been the cause of his
defeat at Glenlivat. It was found out, by the con-
fessions of some accomplices, that Campbell of Loch-
nell, the near relative of the young chief, and, failing
an only brother, the heir to his estates and honours,
had been tampering with Huntly; and that the flight
of so large a body of Highlanders was only part of a
conspiracy s^nst the life of Argyll. It was dis-
covered, also, by evidence which could not be con-
tradicted, that this foul plot against the young earl
was intimately connected with the late murder of the
Earl of Murray and the assassination of the Laird
of Calder ; that all were branches of one great con-
spiracy, of which a chief contriver was Maitland the
Chancellor, assisted by Huntly, Duncan Campbell of
Glenurchy, Archibald Campbell of Lochnell, Sir
James Campbell of Ardkinglas, Macaulay of Ardin-
caple, and John Lord Maxwell. These titled and
official ruffians, in the spirit of the times, which
could combine the strictest leo:al precision with
184 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594.
the utmost familiarity with blood, had drawn up a
band^ by which, in the most solemn manner, they be-
came mutually bound to each other to achieve the
murder of James Earl of Murray, Archibald Earl
of Argyll, Colin Campbell of Lundy his only brother,
and John Campbell of Calder. The result was to
be the possession of the earldom of Argyll by Loch-
nell, and the appropriation of a large part of its
princely estates by the Chancellor Maitland and the
other conspirators. With the success of one part
of this conspiracy, the cruel murder of the Earl of
Murray, we are already acquainted ; and, in the case
of the Laird of Calder, they were also successful: for
this unfortunate gentleman was about this time shot
at night, through the window of his own house, in
Loin, by an assassin named M'Kellar, who had been
furnished with a hagbut by Ardkinglas, which, to make
surer work, he had loaded with three bullets. So
far this diabolical plot was followed out with success.
But at this crisis, the remorse or interest of Ardkinglas
revealed the conspiracy to Argyll; and the appre-
hension, torture, and confession of John Oig Camp-
bell and M^Kellar, who were executed, led, at last,
to the revelation of the " Great Contract,*' as it was
called. The "Band" itself fell into the hands of
Argyll, and convinced him that the assassination of
his imhappy friends, Murray and Calder, was to have
been followed, on the first good opportunity that
should present itself, by the murder of himself. Of all
this the consequences were dreadful. Argyll hurried
to the North, assembled his vassals, and proclaimed
1594-5. JAMES VI. 185
a war of extermination against Huiitly, and all who
had opposed or deserted him at Glenlivat.^ Huntly,
on the other hand, haying, by this time, somewhat re-
covered his recent losses, was once more in the field,
and threatened to hang up any retainer of his, high
or low, who dared to pay the fines levied on him, or
sought for peace in obedience to the laws.^ Mar, a
nobleman very powerful in the North as well as the
South, joined with Argyll; whilst Huntly had many
friends at Court, who secretly screened him in his
excesses. The ministers of the Kirk, in the meantime,
sounded their terrible trumpet of warning to all true
men, denouncing from the pulpit the reviving influ-
ence of the Catholics ; and large bodies of soldiers,
disbanded for want of pay, roamed over the country,
and committed every sort of robbery and excess.
Ministers of religion were murdered ; fathers slain by
their own sons ; brothers by their brethren ; married
women ravished under their own roof; houses, with
their miserable inmates, burned amidst savage mirth;
and the land so utterly wasted by fire, plunder, and
the total cessation of agricultural labour, that famine
at last stalked in to complete the horrid picture, and
destroy, by the most terrible of deaths, those who had
escaped the sword.'
Amidst these dreadful excesses, the only support of
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Sir R. Bowes' Advertisements, sent
him from Edinborgh, 5th Jan., 1594-*5. Gregory's Hist, of the
Highlands, pp. 244, 250, 251, 253,
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Advertisements by Letters from
Edinburgh, 15th January, 1594-5.
^ MS. Calderwoud, Brit. Mus., Ayscough, 4T38, p. 1183.
186 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1594-5.
the country was in the energy of the King : for his
Council was torn by faction, and some of the chief
dignitaries were the offenders. But although de-
serted by Elizabeth, and compelled to disband his
troops and relax his military efforts against the
Catholics, James assembled a Convention of his
nobles; and evinced not only a sympathy for the
sufferings of the people, but his resolution to make
the utmost efforts to remove them.^ Finding it im-
possible to reduce the northern districts to order
without vigorous proceedings against the chiefs, he
committed Athol, Lovat, and M'Kenzie to ward at
Linlithgow; imprisoned Argyll, Glenurchy, and others,
in Edinburgh castle ; and confined Tullybardin, 6am-
tully, and their fierce adherents, in Dumbarton and
Blackness : to remain in this durance till they had
made redress for the horrid excesses committed by
their clansmen and supporters, and had come under
an obligation to restore order to the country.* As to
the Catholic earls, and Bothwell their associate, both
parties, now nearly desperate of any ultimate success,
and driven by the active pursuit of the King from one
concealment to another, were anxious to reach the
sea-coast and escape to the Continent. Bothwell
especially, that once proud and potent baron, who
had been the correspondent of Elizabeth, the friend
of Burghley, the pillar of the Kirk, the arbiter of the
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., George Nicolson to Burgliley, 29th
January, 1594-5.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., George Nicolson to Sir R. Bowea,
30th January, 1594-5.
1594-6. JAMES VI. 187
Court, and the idol of the people, was reduced to the
lowest extremity. He had been expelled from all
his castles and houses ; and now the Hermitage, his
last and strongest den, was in the hands of Hume, his
mortal enemy.^ Scott the Laird of Balwearie, one of
his chief friends, who was acquainted with the secrets
of his recent conspiracy with the Catholic earls, was
seized, and purchased his life by a full revelation of
the plot. His brother, Hercules Stewart, suffered on
the scaffold ; and the Kirk branded him with excom-
munication. William Hume, the brother of Davy
the Devil, or David Hume of Manderston, whom
Bothwell had slain, was employed to trace the fugi-
tive from cover to cover ; and executing this service
with a scent sharpened by revenge, he ran him through
Caithness to the sea-coast ; from which, after various
windings and doublings, he escaped to France.^
Meanwhile, Huntly and Errol lingered in Scotland,
with a last hope that assistance in money and in
troops was on the eve of arriving from Spain ; but
this prospect was utterly blasted by a disaster which
befell their messenger Mr John Morton, a Jesuit,
brother to the Laird of Cambo, who had been in-
trusted with a secret mission by the King of Spain
and the Pope. This person had taken his passage in a
Dutch ship, and was landed at Leith ; but the disguise
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., NicoLson to Bowes, 24th Oct., 1594.
2 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Sir R. Bowes, 19th Feb.,
1594-5. Same to same, dd March, 1594-5. Also, Ibid., same to
same, 22d February, 1594-5. Also, Ibid., Mr Colvil to Sir R.
Cecil, 19tb March, 1594-5. Also, Ibid., Mr John Colvil, 22d
February, 1594-5. Uistorie of James the Sext, p. 844.
188 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595.
under which he travelled had not concealed him from
a fellow passenger, a son of Erskine of Dun, who
hinted his suspicion to Mr David Lindsay ; and this
active minister of the Kirk instantly pounced upon
Father Morton, as he was called, who, in the struggle
with the officers of justice, tore his secret instructions
with his teeth.^ The fragments, however, were picked
up, joined together, their contents deciphered, and
the King, who piqued himself upon his shrewdness
in cross-examination, exerted his powers with much
success. He brought Morton to confess that he was
a Jesuit, though he appeared only a Scottish gentle-
man seeking his native air for the recovery of his
health ; that he was Confessor to the Seminary Col-
lege in Rome, and sent into Scotland by the Pope,
and with special messages from Cardinal Cajetimo
and Fathers Crichton and Tyrie to Mr JamesGordon,
Huntly's near relative. The messenger added, that he
was directed to reprove the Catholic lords for their
disposal of the treasure lately sent, which had been
given not to Catholics, but to courtiers who were
heretics ; as well as for their rashness in " delating ''
the King to be a Catholic, before the Spanish array
destined for Scotland was in readiness. Their union
with Bothwell, by which they had greatly exasper-
ated the King, was also condemned by the Pope ; and
no hope of further treasure held out till they had
vindicated themselves before the councillors of the
King of Spain in the Low Countries. On Morton's
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Mr John Colvil to S., 25tli Marcli,
1595.
1505, JAMES VI. 189
person was found a small jewel or tablet, containing
an exquisite representation of the Passion of our
Lord, carved minutely in ivory ; a present, as he said,
from Cardinal Cajetano to the Scottish Queen. This
James, taking up, asked him to what use he put it.
" To remind me," said Morton, " when I gaze on it
and kiss it, of my Lord's Passion. Look, my liege,"
he continued, " how livelily the Saviour is here seen
hanging between the two thieves, whilst below, the
Roman soldier is piercing His sacred side with the
lance. Ah, that I could prevail on my sovereign but
once to kiss it before he lays it down ! " — " No," said
James ; " the Word of God is enough to remind me
of the crucifixion ; and besides, this carving of yours is
so exceeding small, that I could not kiss Christ with-
out kissing both the thieves and the executioners." ^
The ministers of the Kirk insisted that this un-
happy person should .be subjected to the torture of
the boots, as the only means of obtaining a full con-
fession ; but he was saved from this dreadful suffer-
ing by his simplicity, and the candour with which he
disclosed to the King all the objects of his mission.^
This last blow fell heavily on the party. It con-
vinced H untly and Errol, that for the present their cause
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Mr John Colvil to S., 25th March,
1595. Alfio, Ibid., Nioolson to Sir R. Bowes, 25th March, 1595.
Also, Ibid., 5th April, 1595. Abstract of letters sent to Sir R.
Bowes.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 5th April, 1595. Letters from Soot-
land to Bowes. Also, Ibid., Nicolson to Sir R. Bowes, dd April,
1595. Also, Ibid., Mr John Colvil, 1st April, 1595. Also, Ibid.,
2d April, 1595, ^'Deposition of Mr John Morton, Jesuit."
190 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595.
was desperate, and that to retire into a temporary
banishment was the only resource which remained.
It was in vain that Father Gordon, Huutly*s uncle,
and a devoted Catholic, implored them to remain :
in vain that on a solemn occasion, when Mass was
said for the last time in the cathedral Church at Elgin,
this zealous priest, descending from the high altar
and mounting the pulpit, exhorted them not to de-
part, but remain in their native country and hazard
all for the Faith. His discourse fell on deaf ears ;
and finding entreaty fruitless, he resolved to accom-
pany them. On the 17th of March, Errol embarked
at Peterhead; and on the 19th, two days after,
Huntly, with his uncle and a suite of sixteen persons,
took ship at Aberdeen for Denmark ; intending, as he
said, to pass through Poland into Italy.^
Scarcely had they departed, when intelligence of
Both well reached Court. To so miserable a state
was he reduced, that he had been seen skulking near
Perth with only two followers, meanly clad, and in
utter destitution. He then disappeared, and none
could tell his fate ; but he reemerged in Orkney, pro-
bably, like his infamous namesake, intending to turn
pirate. He had one ship and a fly-boat; and his
desperate fortunes were still followed, from attach-
ment or adventure, by some of his old " Camarados^"
Colonel Boyd, Captain Foster, and a few other gentle-
men. Apparently he was not successful: for we
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Extracts from letters from Scotland,
by Sir R. Bowes, 5th April, 1595.
1595. JAMES VI. 191
soon hear of him at Paris,^ in correspondence with his
profligate associate Archibald Donglaa.
All apprehensions from Bothwell and the Catholic
earls being at an end, and the King having most
energetically fulfilled his promises to the Kirk ; Pro-
testantism being safe, and the hopes of Spain destroyed;
he had leisure to address himself to a more diffi-
cult task than his last: to restore something like
order, justice, and tranquillity to the country. Here
all was out of joint. The Court was divided into
factions. The Queen, of whose religious orthodoxy
great doubts began now to be entertained, hated
Mar, who was stiU intrusted with the person and
government of the young Prince ; a charge which,
she insisted, belonged naturally to her.* The King
supported Mar against his great rival the Chancellor
Maitland, a man full of talent, of inordinate ambition,
and, as we have already seen, unscrupulous, intrigu-
ing, and familiar with conspiracy and blood. Mait-
land strengthened himself against his enemies by
courting the favour of the Queen, who had at first
treated all his advances with haughty suspicion ; but
latterly, dreading his strength or conciliated by his
proffered devotion, supported his faction, which in-
cluded Buccleugh, Cessford, the Master of Glammis,
and other powerful barons. The potent house of
Hamilton affected neutrality; whilst the ministers of
^ MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bothwell to Douglas, ITth June,
1595.
^ MS. Letter, St. P. Off., George Nicolson to Sir B. Bowes,
22d June, 1595.
192 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595.
the Kirk also kept themselves aloof, and exerted
their whole energies to procure the absolute ruin of
Huntly and his exiled associates, by inducing the
King to forfeit their estates in .earnest, and reduce
them to beggary. This James wisely refused.
Enough, he thought, had already been done for the
safety of the Protestant faith ; and to cut up by the
roots the ancient houses of Angus, Huntly, and Errol ;
to punish, by utter ruin and extermination, those
who were already exiles for conscience' sake, would
have been cruel and impolitic. To Bothwell, in-
deed, who had repeatedly conspired against his life,
he showed no mercy; and his great estates were
divided between Hume, Cessford, and Buccleugh.^
But the Countesses of Huntlyand Errol were permitted
to remain in Scotland, and matters so managed that
their unfortunate lords should not be utterly destitute.
The principle of James was to balance the different
factions against each other, keeping all dependent on
himself, and throwing his weight occasionally into the
one or the other scale as he judged best. The probable
restoration, therefore, of such great men as Huntly,
was a useful threat to hold over the heads of their
rivals. But with all his policy, the monarch found
his position dangerous and difficult. The Court and
country were full of inflammable materials ; and in
such a state of things, events apparently trifling might
produce a general convulsion. So at least thought
Nicolson, the English resident at Edinburgh, on the
occurrence of an event which, to feudal ears, sounded
1 MS. Calderwood, Ayacougli, 4738, p. 1184.
1595. JAMES VI. 193
trifling enough. David Forrester, a retainer of Mar,
and bailiff of Stirling, when riding from Edinburgh to
that town, was, on fiome love-quarrel, waylaid and
murdered by the Laird of Dunipace, assisted by the
Bnices and the Livingstons, who belonged to the
Chancellor's faction. Mar instantly accepted this as a
defiance; assembled a body of six hundred horse;
vowed a deadly revenge ; and interdicting the body
from being buried, carried it along with him, display-
ing before it, on two spears, a ghastly picture of
Forrester, all mangled and bleeding as he had died.
In this way the Earl, in his steel jack, and his men
armed to the teeth, carried his murdered vassal in a
bravado through the lands of the Livingstons and
Bruces, which lay near Linlithgow, on the road botweeir
Edinburgh and Stirling ; dividing his little force into
three wards, and expecting a rulBe with Buccleugh
and Cessford, who were reported to be mustering
their friends. But the peremptory remonstrances of
the King prevented an immediate collision ; and a
" day of law," as it was then termed, was appointed
for the trial of Forrester's slaughter.^
James' labour to preserve peace was, indeed, inces-
sant ; and but for his vigour and courage, the various
factions would have torn the country in pieces. The
Chancellor had now gained to his side the powerful
assistance of the house of Hamilton; so that his
strength was almost irresistible. With his strength,
however, increased the odium and unpopularity of his
' Ma Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Bowes, 12tli July, 1505.
Alaoy Ibid., saine to same, 24th June, 1595,
VOL, IX. O
|94 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595.
measurefil. It was now well known that he had been
the chief assistant of Huntly in the murder of Murray.
He waa branded as a hypocrite : all smiles and pro-
fessions upon the seat of justice, but deep, bloody,
and unscrupulous when off it ; expressing great love
to the Kirk and the ministers, yet careless of practi-
cal religion ; humble and devoted, as he said, to his
sovereign, yet really so haughty, that he did not
hesitate to measure his strength with the highest
nobles in the land. It was this which provoked Mar,
Argyll, and the rest of the ancient earls.
On one occasion James, observing Maitland's
defiance, took him roundly to task — reminding him
that he was but his creature, a man of yesterday, a
cadet of a mean house compared with Mar, who had
a dozen vassals for his one ;^ and that it ill became
him to enter into proud speeches, or compare himself
with the old nobles, and raise factions vnth Glammis
and the Queen against the master to whom he owed
all. Pasquils too, and biting epigrams, prognosticating
some fatal end, were found pinned to his seat in the
Court.^ But Maitland was naturally courageous, and
believed himself powerful enough to keep head against
the worst. Hamilton, Hume, Fleming, Livingston,
Buccleugh, Cessford, with the Master of Glammis,
had now joined him against Mar; and the Queen,
finding herself thus supported, renewed her efforts to
obtain possession of the young Prince. The King
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Mr John Colyil to Sir R. CecH, 2J
August, 1595.
' MS. St. P. Off., Advioes from Edmburgh, 20th March, 1594-5.
1595. JAMES VI. 195
was inexorable. He had been heard to swear that,
were he on his death-bed and speechless, his last sign
should be that Mar should have the boy ; and the
Queen, in despair, took to bed and pretended a
mortal sickness. James shut his ears when the news
was brought him, and declared it all a trick. At last the
lady, between anger and the agitation incident to her
situation, for she was about to be confined, fell truly
sick. The Mistress of Ochiltree, and a jury of
matrons, sat upon her malady, and pronounced it no
counterfeit ; and James, in real alarm, hurried from
Falkland. To his disgust and anger, it was told him
that Bucdeugh and Cessford, the two men whom he
then most dreaded, were with her ; but they did not
dare abide his coming: and a reconciliation, half
stormy, half affectionate* took place. She renewed
her clamour for the keeping of the Prince : he up-
braided her for leaguing with such desperate men as
Buccleugh and Cessford, who, in truth, at that mo-
ment were plotting to restrain his person, seize the
heir of the throne, and arraign his governor, one of
the most faithful of his nobles, of high treason. To
humour her would have been the extremity of weakness,
and only playing his enemies' game, who, he said,
should find that, though he loved her, he could keep his
purpose and be master in his own kingdom.^ This re-
solute temper saved the monarch. The Chancellor con-
> MS. Letter, St. P. 0£, Nicolson to Bowes, 26th July, 1595.
See also, Ibi(l., same to same, 24th Jiily, 1505. Also, Mr John
Colril to Sir R. Cecil, 2d Aagust, 1595, Also, Ibid., Nicolson
to Bowes, 4th August, 1595.
190 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595.
trolled Buccleugh, who alleged that they were throw-
ing away their best opportunity: now they could
seize the King ; next day they themselves might be
in fetters. All was ready: the King, the Prince,
the government, by one bold stroke might be their
own. But Maitland's heart failed, or his loyalty re-
vived. He forbade the enterprise. James rode back
to Falkland ; and v/hen he next visited Edinburgh,
his strength was such that he could defy his enemies.*
The ministers of the Kirk, scandalized by the divisions
in the royal family, now remonstrated with the Queen,
awakened her to a higher sense of her conjugal duties,
and convinced her, that to renounce all factions, and
follow the commands of her royal husband, vras her
only safe and Christian course.^ A letter, written
at this time by Nicolson, the English Envoy at the
Scottish Court, to Sir Robert Bowes, who, at his
own earnest request, had been suffered to resign his
place as resident Ambassador, gives us an interesting
account of this reconciliation and its effects : —
" The King and Queen are lovingly together now
at Falkland : the King to go to Stirling to-morrovr,
and so to his buck-hunting in Lennox and Clydesdale;
and after to return to the Queen to St Johnston's,
there to receive the communion together. The Queen
first goeth to Sir R, Melvil's house, the Earl of
Rothes', and other places, before she goes to St John-
> 318. Letter, St. P. Off,, Nicolson to Bowes, 27tli May, 1595.
2 MS. St. P. Off., Colvil, 18th August., 1595. Same, 20tL
August.
1695. JAMES VI. 197
ston's. My Lord of Mar and she liave spoken, by
the King's means. At the first she was very sharp with
Mar, but in the end gave him good countenance. Mr
Patrick Galloway, in his sermon, was occasioned to
teach of the duties of man and wife, each to the other;
and spoke so persuasively for the keeping their duties
therein, as the Queen thereon spake and conferred
with him, and gave good ear to his advices, and pro-
miseth to follow the same ; and hath said that she
will have him with her.
" TheKing caused Mr David Lindsay to travel with
the Queen, to see what he could try out of them ;
whereupon Mr David and the Queen had long con-
ference. And in the end, the Queen said, ' Let the
King be plain with the Queen, and the Queen should
be plain with the King;' which Mr David showed to
the King, causing him to receive the same even then
out of the Queen's own mouth : whereupon there was
good and kind countenance and behaviour between
them ; both of them agreeing to satisfy each other :
as Mr David looketh that, ere this, the King know-
eth who hath persuaded the Queen to these former
courses ; and the Queen who hath moved the King
to this strangeness with the ^Queen; and that some
will be found to have dealt doubly and dangerously
with them both. The King intendeth, by little and
little, to drciw the Queen to where Mar is, and there
to stay her from these parts,^,iHid the company of
Buccleugh, Cessford, and the rest. Mr David hold-
eth the Chancellor to be ver}^ honest between both
198 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1595.
parties, and to be for the King ; but whatsoerer he
doeth, it is with consent and leave of the Master of
Glammis, Buccleugh, and Cessford; who, if the Chan-
cellor should do otherwise, and they know of it,
would be the Chancellor's greatest enemies, and
most dangerous. * * The Lord Hume hath pro-
mised to follow the King, and is presently with him :
so as it is held that the Queen's faction is breaking.
Always some think, that as the King intends by
policy to win the Queen, so the Queen intends to
win the King for the advantage of that side ; and I
pray God that this prove not too true, that in these
fair flowers there prove not yet sharp pricks. As
to the slaughter of David Forster, my Lord of Mar,
I think, shall give assurance, and keep on fair terms
vnth such of the Livingstons and Bruces as were
not executioners of David's murder; which execu-
tioners, for this cause, are to be banished the country
by their own friends."^
While the Court of Holyrood was occupied in
gossiping upon such scenes of domestic intrigue and
conjugal reconciliation, the Queen of England began
bitterly to repent her neglect of Scotland, and to
look with alarm to a storm which threatened her on
the side of the Isles. She was now trembling for
her empire in Ireland, where Tyrone had risen in
formidable force, and, assisted with Roman gold and
Spanish promises, threatened to wrest from her hands
the fairest provinces of the kingdom. In these cir-
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolsoii to Sir R. Bowes, 15th
August, 1.095.
1595. JAMES VI. 199
cmnstanceg, both Elizabeth and the Irish Prince
looked for assistance and recruits to the Scottish
Isles. These nurseries of brave soldiers and hardy
seamen were now able to furnish a formidable force;
a circumstance not unknown to the English Queen,
as her indefatigable minister Burghley, whose di*-
plomatic feelers were as long as they were acute
and sensitive, kept up a communication with the
Isles. From a paper written in the end of the
year 1593, by one of his northern correspondents,*
it appears that the Isles could, on any emer-
gency, fit out a force of six thousand hardy
troops» inured to danger both by sea and land, and
eqoipt for war on either element. Of these, two
thousand wore defensive armour, actons, habergeons,
and knapsculls;^ the rest were bowmen or pikemen;
but many, adds the Island statist, had now become
harquebuseers. This force, it is to be observed, was
independent of those left at home to labour the
ground ; the whole of the Isles being different from
the rest of feudal Scotland in one essential respect,
''that they who occupied the ground, were not charged
to the wars."* Of this Western archipelago, the
principal islands were Lewis and Skye, lying to the
north, Islay and Mull to the south ; and amongst the
chief leaders who assumed the state and independence
> MS. St P. Off., Dec, 1593. Note of the West Isles of
Seoilaad, for the Lord Treasurer.
^ Acton, a quilted leathern jacket, worn under the armour ;
habergeon, a breast-plate of mail ; knapscull, a steel cap or helmet.
5 MS. St. P. Off., Dec, 1593. Note of the West Isles of
Scotland, for the Lord Treasurer.
200 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1595.
of little priucee, were the Earl of Argyll, Lauchlan
Maclean of Duart, Angus Maedonald of Dunyveg,
Donald Gorm Maedonald of Sleat, and Roderick
Macleod of Harris, known in traditionary song as
Ruari Mor.^ Of these chiefs, the Lord of Duart,
commonly called Lauchlan Mor, was by far the most
talented and conspicuous; and, as Elizabeth well
kn^ew, had the power of bridling or letting loose
that formidable body of troops which Donald Gorm
and Ruari Mor were now collecting to assist her
enemies in Ireland. Lauchlan Mor was, in all re-
spects, a remarkable person ; by no means illiterate, for
he had received his nurture in the low country, and
had married a daughter of the Earl of Glencaim. But
in war and personal prowess he had then no equal: an
island Amadis of colossal strength and stature ; and
possessing, by the vigour of his natural talents, a com-
manding influence over the rude and fierce Islesmen.
It is curious to trace Elizabeth's connexion with
this man. The Lord of Duart's confidential servant
happened to be a certain shrewd Celt, named John
Achinross ; he, in turn, was connected by marriage
with Master John Cunningham, a worthy citizen and
merchant in Edinburgh. This honest bailie of the
capital, forming the link between savage and civi-
lized life, corresponded with Sir Robert Bowes;
Bowes with Burghley or Sir Robert Cecil ; and thus
Elizabeth, sitting in her closet at Windsor or Green-
' Gregorys Ilistoiy of tho Weslorn IligblanJs and Isles of
Scotland, p. 2G1.
1595. JAMES VI. 201
wich, moved the strings which could assemble or
disperse the chivalry of the Isles. This is no ideal
picture, for the letters of the actors remain. As
early as March, 1594-5, Achinross informed Bowes
that Maclean and Argyll were ready, not only to
stay the Clandonnell, who, under Donald Gorm,
were then mustering to assist Tyrone; but that Mae-
lean himself would join the English army in Ireland,
if Elizabeth would despatch three or four ships to
keep his galleys whilst they attacked the enemy.^
As the summer came on, and the fleet of Donald and
his associates waited only for a fair wind, Cunning-
ham hurried to the Isles, had a conference with
Maclean, and thence rode post to London, where, in
an interview with Sir Robert Cecil, he urged the
necessity of instant action and assistance.' The
bridle which the Laird of Duart held over the Isles-
men was simple enough; being a garrison of six
hundred mercenaries, well armed, and ready to be
led by him, on a moment's warning, against any
island chief who embarked in foreign service,. and
left his lands undefended at home.' The support of
this force, however, required funds: Elizabeth de-
murred ; Maclean was obliged to disband his men ;
» MS. St. P. Off., 25th March, 1594-5, Contents of John Achin-
roes' letter to Robert Bowes.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., John Cunningham to Sir R. Bowes,
25th June, 1595. Also, Maclean of Duart to Sir R. Cecil, 4th
July, 1595. Also, same to Sir R. Bowes, 4th July, 1595. Also,
Ibid., Nicolson to Bowes, 5th July, 1595.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Jolin Achinross to George Nicolson,
22a July, 1595.
202 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595.
and the most part of the fleet weighed anchor, and
bore away for Ireland.^ It consisted of a hundred
sail, of which fifty were galleys, the rest smaller crafk ;
and the number of soldiers and mariners was esti-
mated at about five thousand.^ Nine hundred men,
howeyer, under the Captain of the Clan Ranald,^ still
remained; and as they passed Mull had the temerity
to land for the night ; running their *' galleys, boats,
and birlings," into a little harbour, where they
imagined themselves secure. But Maclean, by what
Aohinross termed " a bauld onset and prattle feit of
weir," took the whole company prisoners, threw the
chiefs into irons, sent them to his dungeons in his
different castles, appropriated their galleys, and trans-
ported the common men to the mainland.* Amongst
the chief prisoners then taken, were the Captain of
Clanranald and three' of his uncles, the Laird of
Knoydart, M'lan of Ardnamurchan, Donald Gorm's
brother, and others ; and an account of the surprise
was immediately transmitted by John Achinross to
Nicolson, the English Envoy at the Court of James.
We can pardon the enthusiasm and abominable
orthoepy of this devoted Highland servant when he
exclaims : " My maister is acquentit with thir
prattle onsettis without respect to number, findand
J MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Bowes, 2eth July, 1595.
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Mr George Areskine to Nicolson,
Denoon, 31st July, 1595.
' Ibid., same to same.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Achinross to Nicolson, 31st July,
1505.
1505. JAMES VI. 203
vantage: for divers tymis he plaid this danoe heir
aganis his enemies. I assuir yon, thir men that ar
tane and in captivity ar the maist donttit and abil
men in the His. Lat your guid maister and Sir
Robert comfort thame with this gude luke, done be
ane vailyeant man of weir, and ane man of honor, in
beginning of her Majestie's service."^
Elizabeth was delighted with this exploit of
Lauchlan Mor, assured him of her gratitude and
friendship, and sent a more substantial proof than
words, in a present of a thousand crowns: an
" honourable token of her favour," as he called it in a
letter to Cecil, in which he promised all duty and
service to the Queen. She wrote, at the same time,
to the Earl of Argyll,' flattered him by some rich
token of her regard, and ordered Nicolson, her resi-
dent at the Scottish Court, to deliver it and her
letter to him in person, at Dunoon in Argyll. All
this was successfully accomplished : and so cordially
did Maclean and Argyll cooperate, sowing distrust
and division amongst the chiefs and leaders who had
followed the banner of Donald Gorm and Macleod,
that their formidable force only made the coast of
Ireland to meet the English ships, which were on
the watch for them, enter into a friendly treaty, and
disperse to their different ocean nests, before a single
eflbrt of any moment had been made. This sudden
arrival, and as sudden disappearance of the fleet of
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Acliinross to Nicolson, dlst July,
1595.
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Bowes, 1st Aug., 1595.
204 IIISTOUY OF SCOTLAND. 1595.
the Islesmen, appears to have puzzled the chroniclers
of the times, and even their more acute modem suc-
cessor. A black cloud had been seen to gather
over Ireland; and men waited in stillness for the
growl of the thunder and the sweep of the tempest,
when it melted into air, and all was once more tran-
quillity. This seemed unaccountable, almost mira-
culous ; but the letters of honest John Cunningham,
ahd his Celtic relative Achinross, whose epistles
smack so strongly of his Gaelic original, introduce us
behind the scenes, and discover Lauchlan Mor as the
secret agent, the Celtic Prospero, whose wand dis-
persed the galleys, and restored serenity to the ocean.
The reader maybe pleased with an extract from a letter
of this brave Lord of Duart to Sir R. Bowes, although
his style is a little ponderous, and by no means so pol-
ished as the Danish steel axe, with which it was his
delight to hew down his enemies : he is alluding to
the future plan of the campaign intended by Tyrone
and O'Donnell against Elizabeth, and the best way
to defeat it.
" The Earl is to pursue you on one side, and
O'Donnell is to pursue your lands presently on the
other side. They think to harm you meikle by this
way. If my opinion were followed out, the Earl
and O'Donnell shall be pursued on both the sides ;
to wit, by your force of Ireland on the one side, and
by the Earl of Argyll's force and mine, with my ovm
presence, on this side. To the which, I would that
you moved the Earl of Argyll to famish two thou-
sand men : mvself shall furnish other two thousand ;
1595. JAMES VI. 205
and I would have six or eight hundred of your spear-
men, with their butiis^ [sic] and four hundred pike-
men. If I were once landed in Ireland with this
company, having three or four ships to keep our
galleys, I hope in God the Earl should lose that
name ere our return. ♦ * * In my name your
Lordship shall have my duty of humble service re-
membered to her Majesty, and commendations to
good Sir Robert Cecil, with whom I think to be
acquainted. Your Lordship will do me a great
pleasure if you will let me know of anything in Scot-
land that may pleasure Sir Robert. I am so hamely^
with your Lordship, that without you let me know
hereof, I will think that your Lordship does dissimuU
with me. I am here, in Argyll, at pastime and
hunting with the Earl my cousin. I have respect
to other kind of hunting nor this hunting of deer.
I am hamely with your Lordship, as ye may perceive.
At meeting, (for the which I think long,) God willing,
we shall renew our acquaintance."*
From this island episode we must turn to a dif-
ferent scene, the deathbed of a great minister. The
Chancellor Maitland, Lord Thirlstane, had now, for
some years, ruled the Court and the country with a
firm, unchallenged, and, as many thought, a haughty
superiority. He had given mortal offence to the
Queen ; had provoked the hostility of the highest
nobles of the land ; and, it was whispered, was more
' Hamely; familiar.
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Lauchlan Maclean of Duart to Sir
R. Bowes, Garvie in Argyll, 22d Aug., 1595.
206 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595.
feared than loved by his royal master. But he had
kept his ground, partly by superiority in prac-
tical business talents to all his competitors ; partly
by that deep political sagacity and foresight which
made Burghley pronounce him the '^ wisest man
in Scotland ;" and, not least of all, by that high per-
sonal courage and somewhat unscrupulous familiarity
with conspiracy, and even with blood, which blotted
most men of this semi-barbarous age. He had, be-
sides, been a pretty consistent Protestant ; and al-
though in earlier years he had attacked some of
Knox's political dicta, yet recently, the strong and
decided part he had adopted against Huntly and the
Catholic earls made him a favourite with the minis-
ters of the Kirk. So resistless had he now become,
that the Queen and her friends had renounced all
opposition, and joined his faction against Mar the
Governor of the Prince, the favourite of his royal
master, and one of the oldest and most powerful of
the higher nobles.^ In this his palmy state, when
plotting new schemes of ambition, and inflaming the
King against the Queen; meeting Cessford and Buc-
cleugh, and his other associates, in night trysts; mar-
shalling secretly his whole strength, and laying a
'^ platt," as it was then called, or conspiracy against
Mar, by which he hoped to hurl him from his height
of power, and rule unchecked over his sovereign ; he
was suddenly seized with a mortal distemper.' At
» MS. St. P. Off., Nicolson to Bowes, Ist September, 1595.
2 MS. St. P. Off., Colvil to Cecil, 10th September, 1595. Ibid.,
Nicolson to Bowes, 19th September, 1595. Ibid., Nicolson to
Bowes, 22d September, 1595.
1595, JAMES VI, 207
first he struggled fiercely against it, tried to throw it ofl^,
rode restlessly from place to place, and appeared so
active that it was currently said the sickness was only
one of his old pretences. But at last the malady mas-
tered him, threw him on his couch, and compelled
him, in fear and remorse, to send for the ministers of
the Kirk, and implore a visit from the King. James
resisted repeated messages : it was even said he had
whispered in a courtier's ear that it would be a small
matter if the Chancellor were hanged: and when
Robert Bruce, one of the leading ministers, rode at
four in the morning to Thirlstane, he found the dying
statesman full of penitence for neglected opportuni-
ties, imploring the prayers of the Kirk, and promising
to make many discoveries of strange matters, if God
granted him time for amendment and reformation.^
What appeared to weigh heaviest on his conscience
was the part he had acted in sowing dissension be-
tween the King and Queen ; and he seemed much
shaken by fears that many dark dealings would come
out on this subject. He expressed sorrow, also, for
his '^partial information against John Knox and other
good men ;" and when asked what advice he would
leave to the King for the management of his estate,
shook his head, observing, " it was too late speer'd^'^
» MS. St. P. Off., loth Sept., 1595, Advertisements from Scot-
land. Ibid., Nicolson to Bowes, 22d September, 1595. Ibid.,
same to same, 24th September. Ibid., same to same, 3d October,
1595. ^^He Qthe Chancellor] is sore troubled in conscience, and
with fear that his dealings between the King and Queen abould
come out."
^ ^^Speer'd," asked. The question was asked too late..
208 HISTORY OF SCOlTLAND. 1595.
as his thoughts were on another world. Even his
enemies, who had quoted against him the Italian
adage, " // pe»'iculo passaio, il santo gabato^* rejoiced
at last to find that the sickness was no counterfeit ;
and were little able to restrain their satisfaction
when news arrived at Court that the Chancellor
was no more. He died at Thirlstane on the
night of the 3d October ; and John Colvil, his
bitter enemy, exultingly wrote to England that his
faction or party were headless, and must fall to pieces:
whilst his royal master publicly lamented and secret-
ly rejoiced ; inditing to his memory a high poetical
panegyric in the shape of an epitaph, and observing,
that he would weel ken who next should have the
Seals, and was resolved no more to use great men or
Chancellors in his affairs, but such as he could correct
and were hangable.^
All things, however, were throvm loose and into con-
fusion by his death. The Borders, which had been
for some time in disorder, became the daily scenes of
havoc, theft, and murder ; toni with feuds between
the Maxwells and the Douglases; ravaged by in-
vasions of the English;^ and so reckless of all re-
straint, that the personal presence of the King was
loudly called for. At Court the competitors for
the Chancellor's place were busy, bitter, and clam-
orous; in the Kirk the ministers gave warning
that the Catholic earls, now in banishment, had been
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 8th Oct., 1595, Nioolson to Bowes.
Ibid., same to same, 11th Jan., 1595.
3 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Bowes, 20th Oct., 1595.
1595. JAMES VI. 209
plotting their return, and that the Spaniards were on.
the eve of invading England. and Scotland with a
mighty force.^ It was absolutely necessary, they,
said, that the Kirk should have authority to con-
vene the people in arms, to resist the threatened
danger ; and that an Ambassador should be sent to,
England to arrange some plan of common defence.^
James at once consented to the first proposal, and
gave immediate directions for the defence of the
country ; but he refused to send an Ambassador to
Elizabeth, who had rejected his suits and broken her
promises, although he had preferred her friendship
and alliance to that of any other Prince in Europe.
He was, at this moment, he said, ready to act as her
Lieutenant against the Spaniards, and perish with
England in defence of the true religion.^ Yet still
she withheld her supplies, and treated him with sus-
picion, notwithstanding the proofs he was daily giving
of his sincerity in religion, and although she knew him
to be drowned in debt. For this last assertion, the
dreadful embarrassment of his finances, there was too
good ground ; and it had been long apparent that,
unless some thorough reform took place, matters
must come to an extremity. The office of treasurer
was held by the Master of Glammis, a man of great
power, and one of the chief friends of the late Chan-
cellor. Sir Robert Melvil was his depute; Seton
J MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Bowes, 27th Nov., 150 J.
' MS. St. P. Off., Advertisements from Edinburgb, 6tli Dec,
1595.
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Bowes, 27th Nov., 1505.
VOL. IX. P
^10 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1595.
Laird of Parbreath, filled the office of comptroller ;
and Dougkw, the Provost of Glenclouden, that of
collector. AU of them had been protected by Thirl-
stane during his supremacy in the Council ; and, it
was suspected by the King, had fattened at the royal
expense. This idea was encouraged by the Queen,
who now lived on the most loving terms with her
lord, and omitted no opportunity to point out the
rapid diminution of the Crown revenues, and the
contrast between her own conmiand of money, out of
so small a dowry as she enjoyed, and the reduced
and beggarly condition of the household and palaces
of her royal consort. On new year's day, coming
playfully to the King, she shook a purse full of gold
in his face, and bad him accept it as her gift. He
asked where she got it. " From my councillors,*' she
replied, "who have but nowgivenme a thousand pieces
in a purse : when will yours do the like ?" — "Never,"
said the King; and calling instantly for his col-
lector and comptroller, he dismissed them on the
spot, and chose the Queen's councillors as his
financial advisers. These were Seton Lord Urqu-
hart. President of the Session, Mr John Lindsay,
Mr John Elphinstone, and Mr Thomas Hamilton ;
to whom James conmiitted the entire management
of his revenues and household. It was soon found
that the charge would be too laborious for so
small a number, and four others were added — ^the
Prior of Blantyre, Skene the Clerk-register, Sir
David Carnegie, and Mr Peter Young, Master Al-
moner. These new officers sat daily in the Upper
1595-6. JAMES VI. 211
Tolbooth, and froiti their number were called Oc-
tavians. They acted without saJai-y; held th^ir
commiissions under the King's hand albne; and
by the vigour, good sense, and dtderly arrangements
which they adopted, promised a speedy and thorough
.reformation of all financial abuses.^
Elizabeth now deemed it necessary to send Sir
Robert Bowes once more as her Ambassador to Scot-
land. He had been recalled from that Court, or tather
suffered, at his own earnest entreaty, to return to
England, as far back as October 1594 ;^ aiid since
that time to the present, (January 1595-6,) the corre-
spondence with England, and the political interests
of that kingdom, had been entrusted to Mr George
Nicolson, wto had long acted as fiowes* secretary ;
and who, from the time that this minister left Edin-
burgh till his return to the Scottish Court, kept up
an almost daily correspondence with him. Elizabeth
instructed Bowes to assure James of her unalterable
friendship, but of the impossibility of advancing a
single shilling, drained as she was by her assistance
to France, without which Henry must have lost his
throne; her war in Ireland; and her preparations
against Spain, which, at that instant, had fitted out a
more mighty armament against her than the Armada
of 1588. The Ambassador was intrusted not only
with a letter from the English Queen to James, but
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Bowes, Tth Jan., 1595-6.
John Colvil, Adyertisements from Scotland; from 7th Dee., to
1st Jan., 1595-6.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 19th Oct., 1594.
212 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595-6.
with a letter and message to Queen Anne, whom he
was to greet with every expression of friendship, and
to reproach mildly for her reserve in not communi-
cating to Elizabeth the secret history of the late
quarrels between her and her royal husband, regard-
ing the government and keeping of the young Prince.
He was also to touch on a still more delicate subject
— ^the reports which had reached the Court of
England of her change of religion; and to warn
her that, although his mistress utterly disbelieved
such a slander, she could not be too much on her
guard against the crafty men, who were in communi-
cation with the Pope, and eager to seduce her to their
errors.^ Bowes' reception by James was gracious
and cordial. The King declared his satisfaction in
hearing that his good sister was so well prepared
against the meditated invasion of the Spaniard, and
hisown readiness to hazard all — ^life, Crown, and king-
dom, in her defence and his own ; but he reminded
Bowes of Lord Zouch's arguments and unfulfilled pro-
mises; and, whilst he spoke feelingly of his pecuniary
embarrassments, and the impossibility of raising sol-
diers without funds, he hinted significantly, that the
Pope and the Catholic earls threw about their gold
pieces with an open hand ; and did not conceal that
large offers had been made to draw him to the side
of Spain, although he had no mind to be so " limed."
He then mentioned his intention of sending his ser-
vant, Mr David Foulis, to communicate to Elizabeth
' MS. St. P. Off., Anawere to Mr Bowes' articles, 14th Jan.,
1595-6. Wholly in Lord Burghleys hand.
1595-6. JAMES vi. 21S
the confessions of certain priests whom he had lately
seized, and other discoveries with which she ought
to be acquainted ; and alluding to Doleman's book
on the Succession to the English Crown, which had
been recently published, observed, that he took it to
be the work of some crafty politician in England,
drawn up with affected modesty and impartiality,
but real malice against every title except that of the
King of Spain and his daughter. Bowes assured the
King that this famous work, which made so much
noise at the time, was written not in England but in
Spain, by Persons, an English Jesuit and traitor; but
James retained his scepticism.^
The Ambassador next sought the Queen, and
was soon on very intimate and confidential terms
with this Princess, who expressed herself highly
sn^tified by Elizabeth's letter. Nothing, she said,
could give her greater delight than to receive such
assurances of kindness and affection ; and she would
readily follow her advice, as of one whom she most
honoured, loved, and trusted; but as to the delicate
subject of the late differences between her and the
King, and her wish to get the Prince into her hands,
the matter had been so sudden, and full of peril, that
she dared not send either letter or message to the
Queen of England. She then threw the blame of
the whole on the late Chancellor; who had acted, she
said, with great baseness, both towards heirself and
the King. It was he had first moved her to get the
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to I^rd Burgliley, 24th Feb.,
214 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1595-6.
Prinoe out of Mar's hands; it was he who animated
the King against her, persuading him that such re-
moval would endwger his Crown and person ; '' and
yet," said she, addressing Bowes with great aqima-
tion, and sopite bittemesSi ''it was thi£| same man
who dealt so bq^wixt the King and myself, and
with thei persons interested therein, that the surprise
of th^ body of the King was plotted, and would have
taken pl^oei at bis coming to Edinburgh ; but I dis-
covered the conspirafCy, and wa7ne4 and stayed him.
|Iad he come, he must have been made captive, and
would have remained in captivity." — '-These secrets,"
said Bowes, in his letter to Elizabeth, '' she desired
to be commended by my letters to your Majesty's only
tiands, view, and secrecy ; and that none other should
know thp same." As to her reported change of reli-
gion, the Queen frankly admitted thftt attepipts had
been made for her conversion to Rome ; but all had
now passed and failed. She remained a Protestant ;
and would rather not reveal the names of the prao-
tisers. If they again assaulted her religion, Eliza-
beth should know who they were, and how she had
answered them.^
The continuance of the rebellion in Ireland, and
the intrigues of Tyrone with the Western Isles, had
greatly annoyed Elizabeth ; and Bowes was ordered
to communicate with the King, and with Maclean of
Puart, on the subject. He found that JaiQes had
resolved to adopt speedily some decided measures to
bring the Isjes into order ; and hoped to succeed by
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to the Queen, 24th Feb., 1595.
1596.0. JAMES VI. 215
employing, in this seryioe, the Earl of Argyll, Mac-
lean, and Mackenzie, to whose sister Maclean had
lately piarried his eldest son. The Ambassador had
been, as usual, tutored to spare his mistress' purse,
whilst he sounded Maclean's '^mind, power, and
resolution ;"^ and exerted himself to the utmost to
drive a hard bargain. He was alarmed, too, with the
din of warlike preparations then eiounding through
the Western archipelago : Donald Gorm was muster-
ing his men, and repairing his galleys ; Macleod of
Harris had lately landed from Ireland, and was ready
to return with fresh power ; and Angus Maconnel,
another potent chief, was assembling his galleys and
soldiers.' Maclean himself was in Tiree, then reck-*
oned ten days' journey from Edinburgh ; and Argyll,
so intent in investigating the murder of Campbell of
Calder, now traced to Campbell of Ardkinglas, that
Bowes could have no immediate transactions with
either. He set, however, Cunningham and Achin-
ro8S,his former agents, to work; and when these active
emissaries got amongst the Highlanders, the storm
of letters, memorials, contracts, queries, answers,
and estimates, soon poured down on the unhappy
head of Bowes ; who implored Cecil, but with small
success, to send him instructions, and some por-
tion of treasure, to satisfy Elizabeth's Celtic auxili-
" MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 24th Feb.,
1595-6.
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowea to SirR.CeoU, 6th March, 1595>6.
Memorial to John Cunningham, 22d Feb., 1595-6. Answers by
Maclean to the Questions proposed by Sir B. Bowes, 30th March,
159G.
216 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1595-6.
aries, who clamoured for gold. Maclean was per-
feictly ready, as before, to attack Tjrrone; and confi-
dent that the plan of the campaign, which he had
already communicated, if carried into vigorous effect,
would reduce the great rebel. But he made it im-
perative on the Queen to furnish two thousand soldiers,
and advance a month's pay to his men. He himself,
he said, had neither spared *^ gear nor pains in the
service ; and yet her Majesty's long promised present
of a thousand crowns had not yet arrived."^ These
remonstrances produced the effect desired. Eliza-
beth was shamed into some settlement of her pro-
mises; and Maclean, with his Island chivalry, de-
clared himself ready to obey her Majesty's orders
with all promptitude and fidelity.*
The Ambassador speedily discovered that the
eighteen months during which he had been absent,
had added both energy and wisdom to James' char-
acter. It was evident there was more than empty
compliment in Nicolson's observation — ^that, in seve-
rity, he began to rule like a King. There was still,
indeed, about him much that was frivolous, undigni-
fied, and capricious ; much favouritism, much extra-
vagance, an extraordinary love of his pleasures ; and
a passion for display in oratory, poetry, theology, and
scholastic disputation, which was frequently ridicu-
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 24th Feb., 1595-6. Ibid., 6th March,
1595-6, Bowes to Sir R. Cecil. Ibid., 16th Maroh, 1595-6,
Bowes to Cecil. Ibid., Maclean to Bowes, Coll, 18th March,
1595-6. Ibid., Maclean's Answers to Bowes, dOth March, 1596.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 7th April, 1596.
1596. JAMES VI. 217
lous ; but with all this, he was dreaded by his nobles,
and compelled respect and obedience. As Elizabeth
advanced to old age, his eye became steadily fixed on
the English crown, which he considered his undoubt-
ed right; and the one great engrossing object of his
policy was to secure it. His fairest chance, he thought,
to gain the respect and good wishes of the English
people, when death took from them their own great
Princess, was to show that he knew how to rule over
his own unruly subjects. Hence his vigorous deter-
mination to restrain, by every possible means, the
power of the greater nobility; to recruit his ex-
hausted finances; to reduce the Isles, and consolidate
his kingdom ; and to bridle the claims of the Kirk,
in all matters of civil government, or interference with
the royal prerogative: whilst he warmly seconded
their efforts for the preservation of the Reformed
religion, and resistance to the efforts of its enemies.
Not long after Bowes* arrival, the Convention of
the General Assembly met in Edinburgh ; and the
King, then absent on a hunting expedition, broke off
his sport, and returned to Holyrood, that he might
"honour the Kirk (as Bowes observed) with his
presence and his Oration.'' The Moderator, Mr
Robert Pont, warmly welcomed the royal party;
which embraced the Duke of Lennox, Lord Hamil-
ton, the Earls of Argyll, Mar, and Orkney: and,
addressing the King, thanked him in name of the
Assembly for his presence ; reminding him of the
honour obtained by Constantine, in favouring the
ancient Fathers of the Church ; and by David, in
218. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596.
danoing before the ark. In reply, James professed
his zeal for religion since his youth up. He had ever
^stoemed it, as he declared, more glory to be a Chris-
tian tbdn a King, whatever slanders to the contrary
werQ spoken against him. It was this ^eal which
moYQd him to convene the present Assembly ; for
][)eing aware of the designs of Spain, their great enemy,
9g»inst religion and this isle, he was anxious to
meet, not only the ministry, but the barons and gen-
tlemen ; to receive their advice, and resolve on mea-
Sijires to resist the common enemy. Two points he
would press on them : reformation and preparation ;
the reformation of themselves, clergy, people, and
King. For his own part, he never refused admoni-
tion ; he was ever anxious to be told his faults ; and
his chamber door should never be closed to any
minister who reproved him. All he b^ged was, that
they would first speak privately before they arraigned
him in open pulpit. He hated the common vice of
ambition ; but of one thing he was really ambitious —
to have the name of James the Sixth honoured as the
establisher of religion, and the provider of livings for
the ministry throughout his whole dominions. And
now as to his second point, preparation against the
common enemy, one thing was clear: they must
have paid troops. The country must be put to
charges, The times were changed since their fore-
fathers followed each his lord or his laird to Pinky
field ; a confused multitude, incapable of discipline,
and an eajsy prey to regular soldiers, as the event of
that miserable day could testify. Of how many great
1590, JAMES VI. 219
names Iiad it been the wreck and ruin ! Since then
the &Bhion ^sid art of war had entirely altered ; and
he protested it wa^ 9b shame that Scotlfind shpidd be
lying in careless security, whilst all other countries
were up and in arms.^
This speech gave gf ^t s^itisftuition tq the minis-*
ters; and their joy was increi^sed by a message brought
to theni SQPn after by Mr tTohn Preston and Mr
Edward Bruce, intimating the King's resolution to
have the whole Kirks in Scotland supplied with min-
isters, and endowed with suftcient stipends. He
requested the Kirk to cause their Commissioners to
meet with those councillors and officers whom he had
s^ppointed for this purpose, and to fix upon some plan
for carrying his resolution into effect. But he com-
mwded his Commissioners to represent to the minis^
tera of the Kirk how much this good work was
hindered by themselves. Why did they teach the
people that the King and his councillors resisted the
planting of kirks, 4nd swallowed up the liyings of
the clergy, when they were truly most willing that
the whole kirks should be planted, and the rents of
the ministers augmented, as far a« could be obtained
with consent of the nobility and the tacksmen of the
teinds, whose rightei, without order of law, could not
be impaired?^
1 MS. 8t. P. Off., 25th March, 1596, The King of Scots'
Speech at the Assembly of the Ministry. Ibid., Bowei to Lord
Bnrghley, 26th March, 1596.
< Ma St. P. Off., iDBtructioiu to Mr John PrestoQ ^d Mr
Edward Bmce. Answers of the General Assembly to the same,
dOth March, 1596.
220 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1590.
The Assembly received such propositions with the
utmost satisfaction ; and whilst they protested their
ignorance that any of their number had given, in their
discourses, any just cause of offence, it would be
their care, (they said,) in future, so wisely to handle
their doctrine, that neither King nor Council should
be discouraged in the furtherance of their good work.
Meantime, before they separated, they would hum-
bly beseech his Majesty to examine and remove
"' certain griefs which still eat like a canker into the
body of the Kirk." Divers Jesuits and excommuni-
cated Papists were entertained within the country,
confirming, in error, those already perverted ; endan-
gering the unstable, and holding out hopes of the
return of the Papist earls, with the assistance of
strangers. The lands of these forfeited traitors were,
to the grief of all good men, still peaceably enjoyed
by them; their confederates and friends suffered to go
at large ; whilst the laws, not only against such trea-
sons, but on all other points, were so partially adminis-
tered, that a flood of crime, murders, oppressions, in-
cests, adulteries, and every species of wrong inundated
the land, and threatened to tear society in pieces.^
To this remonstrance a favourable answer was re-
turned; andnothingbut fair weather appeared between
the sovereign and the Kirk. Yet it was whispered
that, beneath this serenity, James had some perilous
projects in his head, and meditated a restoration of
» MS. St. P. Off., Instructions to Mr John Preston and Mr
Edwarcl Bruce. Answers of the General Assembly to the same,
30th March, imCu
1596. JAMKS VI. 221
the Catholic earls.^ All, however, was quiet for the
moment; and the King was looking anxiously for
the return of his envoy Foulis, who had been sent
to Elizabeth, when an event occurred on the Borders
which threatened to throw everything into confusion.
Sir Walter Scott of Buccleugh, a baron of proud
temper, undaunted courage, and considered one of the
ablest military leaders in Scotland, was at this time
Warden of the West Marches ; having for his brother
warden of England, Lord Scrope, also a brave and
experienced officer. Scrope's deputy was a gentle-
man of the name of Salkeld ; Buccleugh's, a baron
of his own clan, Robert Scott of Haining; and
in the absence of the principals, it was the duty of
these subordinate officers to hold the Warden Com'ts
for the punishment of outlaws and offenders. Such
courts presented a curious spectacle : for men met in
perfect peace and security, protected by the law of
the Borders, which made it death for any Englishman
or Scotsman to draw weapon upon his greatest foe,
from the time of holding the Court till next morn-
ing at sunrise. . It was judged that, in this interval,
all might return home ; and it is easy to see that,
with such a population as that of the Borders, nothing
but the most rigid enforcement of this law could save
the country from perpetual rapine and murder.
William Aimstrong of Kinmont, or in the more
graphic and endearing phraseology of the Borders,
Kinmont Willie^ was at this time one of the most
notorious and gallant thieves or freebooters in Lid-
> MS. Letter, St. P. OfF., Bowes to Burghley, 18th May, 1596.
222 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. lB96.
desdale. He was himself a man of great persotial
strength and stature^ and had four sons^ Jook, Fran^
eie, Geordie, and Sahdie Armstrong, each of them
a braver and indre Bucdessftil mossl-trooper thto the
other. Their exploits had Jhbd^ them known and
dreaded over the whole district ; dnd their father and
they had more "Bills filed" against them at the War-
den Courts, more personal quarrels and fomily feuds to
keep their blood hot and their hands on their weaponi^
than any twenty men in Liddesdale. Thiel Willie of
Kinmont, who was ^ retainer of Buccleugh and a
special favourite of his chief, had been attending a
Warden Court, held by the English and Scottish
depute Wardens, at a plac6 named the Dayholm of
Kershope, where a small burn or rivulet divides the
two countries, and was quietly returning home through
Liddesdale, with three or four in company, when
he was suddenly attacked by a body of two hun-
dred English Borderers, chased for some miles,
captured, tied to a horse, and carried in triumph to
Carlisle castle ; where Lord Scrope the Governor and
Warden cast him, heavily ironed, into the common
prison. Such an outrageous violation of Border law
was instantly complained of by Buccleugh, who wrote
repeatedly to Lord Scrope, demanding the release of
his follower; and receiving no satisfactory reply,
swore that he would bring Kinmont Willie out of
Carlisle castle, quick or dead, with his own hand.^
The threat was esteemed a mere bravado ; for the
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., The names of such as enforced
the Castle for Kinmont; dated, in Buighley's hand, Idth April.
1596. JAMES VI. 223
castle was strongly garrisoned and well fortified, in
the middle of a populous and hostile cit j, and under
the command of Lord Scrope, as brare a soldier as
in all England. Yet Buccleugh was not intimidated.
Choosing a dark tempestuous night, (the 18th April,)
he assembled two hundred of his bravest men at the
Tower of Morton, a fortalice on " the debateable land,"
on the water of Sark, about ten miles from Carlisle.
Amongst these, the leader whom he most relied on
was Wat Scott of Harden : but along with him were
Wat Scott of Branxholm, Wat Scott of Goldielands,
Jock Elliot of the Copshaw, Sandie Armstrong Son
to Hobbie the Laird of Mangerton, Kinmont'6 four
sons — Jock, Francie, Sandie, and Geordie Armstrong,
Rob of the Langholm, and Willie Bell the Red-
cloak ; all noted and daring men. They were well
mounted, armed at all points, and carried with th^m
scaling ladders, besides iron crowbars, sledge-hammers,
hand-picks, and axes. Thus furnished, and favoured
by the extreme darkness of the night, they passed the
river Esk, rode briskly through the Grahames' coun-
try, forded the Eden, then swollen over its banks, and
came to the brook Caday, close by Carlisle, where
Buccleugh made his men dismount, and silently led
eighty of them, with the ladders and iron tools, to
the foot of the wall of the base or outer court of the
castle. Everything favoured them: the hedvens
were as black as pitch, the rain descended in torrents ;
and as they raised their ladders to fix them on the
cope-stone, they could hear the English sentinels
challenge as they walked their rounds. To their
224 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 15^.
rage and disappointment, the ladders proved too
short ; but finding a postern in the wall, they under-
mined it, and soon made a breach enough for a soldier
to squeeze through. In this way a dozen stout fel-
lows passed into the outer court, (Buccleugh himself
being the fifth man who entered,^) disarmed and
bound the watch, wrenched open the postern from
the inside, and thus admitting their companions, were
masters of the place. Twenty-four troopers now
rushed to the castle jail, Buccleugh meantime keeping
the postern, forced the door of the chamber where
Kinmont was confined, carried him off in his irons, and
sounding their trumpet, the signal agreed on, were
answered by loud shouts and the trumpet of Buccleugh,
whose troopers filled the base court. All was now
terror and confusion, both in town and castle. The
alarum-bell rang, and was answered by his brazen
brethren of the cathedral and the town-house ; the
beacon blazed up on the top of the great tower ; and
its red, uncertain glare on the black sky and the
shadowy forms and glancing armour of the Borderers,
rather increased the horror and their numbers. Nou«
could see their enemy or tell his real strength. Lord
Scrope, believing, as he afterwards wrote to Burghley,
that five hundred Scots were in possession of the
castle, kept himself close within his chamber. Kin-
mont Will himself, as he was carried on his friend'^
shoulders beneath the Warden's window, roared out
a lusty "Good night" to his Lordship; and in a
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., The names of such ajs enforced
the Castle for Kinmont.
1596, J ABIES VI. 225
wonderfully brief space Buccleugli had effected his
purpose, joined his men on the Caday, remounted
his troopers, forded once more the Esk and the
Eden, and bearing his rescued favourite in the middle
of his little band, regained the Scottish Border
before sunrise. This brilliant exploit, the last and
assuredly one of the bravest feats of Border warfare,
was long talked of; embalmed in an inimitable ballad ;
and fondly dwelt on by tradition, which has preserved
some graphic touches. Kinmont in swimming his
horse through the Eden, which was then flooded, was
much cumbered by the irons round his ancles; and is
said to have drily observed, that often as he had
breasted it, he never had such heavy spurs. His
master, Buccleugh, eager to rid him of these shackles,
halted at the first smith's house they came to within
the Scottish Border ; but the door was locked, the
family in bed, and the knight of the hanuner so sound
a sleeper, that he was only wakened by the Lord
Warden thrusting his long spear through the window,
and nearly spitting both Vulcan and his lady.^
Jocular, however, as were these circumstances to
the victors, the business was no laughing matter to
Lord Scrope, who came forth from his bedchamber
to find that his castle had been stormed, his garrison
bearded, and his prisoner carried off by only eighty
men. He instantly wrote to the Privy Council and
Lord Burghley, complaining of so audacious an
' Contemporary Account in the Warrender MSS.; and MS.
Letter, St P. Off. B.C., Lord Scroiw to Bnrghley. Minstrelsy
of the Scottish Border, vol. ii. p. 60.
VOL. IX. Q
226 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596.
attack upon one of the Queen's castles in time of
peace ; and advising his royal mistress to insist with
James on the delivery of Buccleugh, that he might
receive the punishment which so audacious an out-
rage, as he termed it, deserved. But Buccleugh had
much to oflfer in his defence : he pleaded that Kin-
mont's seizure and imprisonment had been a gross
violation of the l^w ; that it was not until every
possible representation had failed, and till his own
sovereign's remonstrance, addressed to Elizabeth, had
been treated with contempt, that he took the matter
into his own hands; and that his Bordierers had
conunitted no outrage, either on life or property,
although they might have made Scrope and his garri-
son prisoners, and sacked the city. All this was true ;
and the King for a while resisted compliance with
Elizabeth's demand, in which he was supported by
the whole body of his Council and barons, and even
by the ministers of the Kirk ; whilst the people were
clamorous in their applause, and declared that no
more gallant action had been done even in Wallace's
days.^ But at last James' spirit quailed under the
impetuous remonstrance of the Queen ; and the Border
chief was first committed to ward in the castle of St
Andrews,^ and afterwards sent on parole to England,
where he remained till the outrages of the English
Borderers rendered his services as Warden abso-
lutely necessary to preserve the country from havoc.^
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 3d July, 1506.
Spottiswood, p. 416.
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Buighley, Aug. 19th, 1596.
Ibid., same to same, 12th Oct, 1596.
« MS. Letter, St, P, Off,, Bowes to the Queen, 10th Nov., 1596,
1596. JAMES VI. 227
He was then delivered. It is said that, during his
stay in England as a prisoner at large, he was sent
for by Elizabeth, who loved bold actions even in her
enemies. She demanded of him, with one of those
lion-like glances which used to throw her proudest
nobles on their knees, how he had dared to storm
her castle : to which the Border baron, nothing
daunted, replied — '' What, Madam, is there that a
brave man may not dare?" The rejoinder pleased
her ; and turning to her courtiers, she exclaimed —
**Give me a thousand such leaders, and I'll shake any
throne in Europe!'**
This obsequiousness of the Scottish King to the
wishes of the Queen of England was not without a
purpose ; for James had now resolved on the restora*
tion of the Catholic earls, and anticipated the utmost
opposition, not only from the powerful party of the
Kirk, but from Burghley and his royal mistress. The
aged Lord Trea£(urer, who had long managed the
whole affairs of Scotland, had recently written to his
son. Sir Robert Cecil, now Secretary of State, that
he suspected the *^ Octavians," the eight councillors
who now ruled the State, to be little else than " hol-
low Papists." It was evident, he added, that the King
was much governed by them, and that his affection to
the "crew" would increase; he advised, therefore, that
Bowes, the English Ambassador, should have secret
conference with the ministers of the Kirk, who would
1 Notes on the Ballad of Kiunont Willie. Minstreby of the
Scottish Border, vol. ii. pp. 49, 50. Bymer's F<Bdei% voL xvi.
p. 318,
228. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596.
discover the truth, and devise a remedy.^ This was
written in July; and there were good reasons for
Burghley*s suspicions. As early as May, Bowes had
detected the incipient movement in favour of the
banished earls, and their resolution to petition the
King for their return.' They were to make submis-
sion to the King and the Church, and to have their
cause espoused by the Duke of Lennox. Not long
after, the Earl of Huntly landed from the Continent
at Eyemouth ; and passing in disguise into Scotland,
encountered, on his road, the Lord St Colm, whose
brother he had slain. Fortunately for the returned
exile, his mean dress concealed him from the ven-
geance of his enemy, and he arrived safely amongst
his friends; who, aware of the Court intrigues in his
favour, exerted their utmost efforts to procure his
restoration. But these were met by cries of horror
and warning* from the Kirk, which increased to their
loudest note when it was reported that Errol had
been , seen with Huntly at his castle the Bog of
Gight, and that Angus had dared to come secretly
into Perth, from which he was only driven by a per-
emptory charge of the magistrates.^
Meanwhile the Countess of Huntly, who had much
influence at Court, presented some overtures upon the
part of her husband. He had never, he said, held any
traffic with any individuals whatever, against the re-
formed religion, since his leaving Scotland, and was
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Burgliley to Sir Robert Cecil, 10th
July, 1596, addressed, "To my levying son."
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 18th 3fay, 1596.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burghley, 20th Oct., 1596.
159G. JAMES VI. 229
ready to abide his trial, if any one dared to accuse him.
He was ready, also, to banish from his company all
seminary priests and known Papists; and would wil-
lingly hold conference on the subject of religion with
any ministers of the Kirk, by whose ailments he
might possibly be induced to embrace their religion.
He would receive, he added, any Presbyterian pastor
into his house for his better instruction; would sup-
port him at his own expense ; would assist the Kirk
with his utmost power in the maintenance of their
discipline; and only required, in return, that a reason-
able time should be given him to be satisfied in his
conscience; and that, meanwhile, he should be ab-
solved from the heavy sentence of excommimication
which had been pronounced against him.^
N othing could be more moderate than such requests;
but the Kirk fired at the very idea that an excommuni-
cated traitor, as they termed the Earl, who had been
guilty of idolatry,a crime punishable bydeath,andwho,
in the face of his sentence of banishment, had dared,
without license, to return, should have the hardihood
to propose any terms whatever. It was whispered
that the Spanish faction was daily gaining strength ;
that the earls would not show themselves so openly
unless they knew their return to be acceptable to the
King : that the party against the truth and liberty
of the Word was bold and confident of success, both
in England and at home ; and that, if some great
and resolute resistance was not instantly made, the
> MS. St. P. Off., Offer of the Countess of Iluntly, lOtli Oct.,
1596. Also, Ilymer's FcDilera, vol, ?:vi. p. COj,
230 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1596.
Kirk, with all its boasted parity and privileges, would
become the prey of Antichrist. To remedy or avert
these evils, a day of hnmiliation was appointed to be
observed with more than ordinary rigour ; in which
the people and the ministry were called upon to weep,
between the porch and the altar, for a land polluted
by the enemies of Grod, and threatened with the
loss of his favour. A body of sixteen commis-
sioners was selected from the ministers, who were
to sit monthly at Edinburgh, under the name of the
" Council of the Church :" their duty was to provide,
according to the ancient phrase, ^ Ne quid Ecdesia
detrimenU caperet ;" and through them a constant cor-
respondence viras kept up with aU parts of the reahn.^
These proceedings alarmed the King, who could see
no good grounds for the erection of so formidable a
machinery against what he deemed an imaginary
attack, and directed some members of his Privy
Council to hold a meeting with the more moderate
ministers, aad persuade them of the groundlessness
of their apprehensions. If, he said, the three earls
were repentant ; if they had already suffered exile
and w^e solicitous to hear the trutii and return to
their country and the bosom of the Church, why
-diould he, their Prince, be precluded from the exer-
cise of mercy, the brightest jewel in his prerogative?
and why, above all, should the Church, whose doors
ought ever to stand open to returning penitents, shut
them remorselessly in their faces, and consign them
to darkness and despair?
^ Spottiswood, p. 418,
1596. JAMES VI. 281
These seutiments of the King were as politic
as they were merciful ; for in the present state of
the kingdom, considering Elizabeth's advanced age
and the power of the Roman Catholics in Eng-
land as well as in his own dominions, nothing could
have been more unfavourable to his title of suc-
cession than to have become a religious persecutor.
Indeed, the arguments of the more violent amongst
the ministers were revolting and absurd. The
crime of which the Catholic earls had been guilty
(so they reasoned) was of that atrocious nature
which rendered pardon, by the civil power, im-
possible. They were idolaters and must die the
death ; though, upon repentance, they might be ab-
solved by the Kirk from the sentence of spiritual
death.^ Such a merciless mode of reasoning, pro-
ceeding, as Spottiswood has remarked, rather from
" passion than any good zeal," greatly disgusted the
King ; who perceived that, under the alleged necessity
of watching over the purity of the faith, the Kirk
were erecting a tribunal independent alike of the law
and the throne. Nor did James conceal these senti-
ments ; inveighing bitterly against the ministers, both
in public and private, at council and table. It was
in vain that some of the brethren (for here, as in all
other popular factions, there was a more moderate
party, who were dragged forward and hustled into
excesses by the more violent) entreated him to ex-
plain the causes of his offence, and declared their
anxiety for an agreement. '' As to agreement," said
> Spottiswood, pp. 418, 419.
232 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 159G.
the monarch, " never will there be an agreement as
long as the limits of the two jurisdictions, the
civil and the ecclesiastical, are so vague and undis-
tinguishable. The lines must be strongly and clearly
drawn. In your preachings, your license is intole-
rable ; you censure both Prince, Estate, and Council ;
you convoke General Assemblies without my autho-
rity ; you pass laws under the allegation that they are
purely ecclesiastical, but which interfere with my
prerogative, and restrict the decisions of my council
and my judges. To these my allowance or approba-
tion is never required ; and under the general head
of * Scandal,' your Synods and Presbyteries fulminate
the most bitter personal attacks, and draw within
the sphere of their censure every conceivable griev-
ance. To think of agreement under such circum-
stances is vain; even if made, it could not last for a
moment."^
In the midst all this, and when the feelings of the
King and the clergy were in a state of high excite-
ment, Mr David Black, one of the ministers of St
Andrews, a fierce Puritan, delivered a discourse in
which he not only animadverted on the threatened
triumph of idolatry at home, but raised his voice
against the Prelacy which had established itself in
the neighbouring kingdom. The Queen of England,
he said, was an atheist; the religion professed in that
kingdom nothing better than an empty show, guided
by the injunctions of the bishops ; and not content
with this pageant at home, they were now persuading
' Spottiewooil, p. 419.
1596. JAMES VI. 233
the King to set it up in Scotland. As for his High-
ness, none knew better than he did of the meditated
return of these Papist earls; and herein he was guilty
of manifest treachery. But what could they look for?
Was not Satan the head of both Court and Council ?
Were not all Kings devil's bairns ? Was not Satan in
the Court, in the guiders of the Court, in the head
of the Court ? Were not the Lords of Session mis-
creants and bribers, the nobility cormorants, and the
Queen of Scotland a woman whom, for fashion's sake,
they might pray for, but in whose time it was vain
to hope for good?^
This insolent attack was followed, as might have been
expected, by an indignant complaint of Bowes the Eng-
lish Ambassador ; and the offender was immediately
cited to appear before the Privy Council. To obey this
summons, however, would have been construed into an
abandonment of the highest privileges of the Kirk; and
Black at once declined the jurisdiction of the tribunal.
His " Declinator" is an extraordinary paper ; and by
the high tone which it assumed, fully justified all the
apprehensions of the King. "Albeit," said he, address^
ing the King and Council, "I am ready, by the assis-
tance of the grace of God, to give a confession, and
to stand to the defence of every point of the truth of
God, uttered by me, either by opening up of this
word, or application thereof, before your Majesty or
Council; * * yet, seeing I am brought at this
> MS. St. P. Off., Effect of Information against Mr David
Black. Moyse's Memoirs, p. 128. Also, MS. St. P. Off., Pro-
cess against Mr David Black, 9t1i Dec., 1590.
234 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596.
time to stand before your Majesty and Council, as a
judge set to cognosce and discern upon my doctrine,
wherethrough my answering to the said pretended
accusation might import with the manifest prejudice
of the liberties of the Kirk, and acknowledging also
of your Majesty's jurisdiction in matters that are
mere spiritual, which might move your Majesty to
attempt farther in the spiritual goyemment of the
Kirk of God : * * Therefore (so he continued) I
am constrained, in all humility and submission of mind,
to use a declinature of the judgment, at least in prima
instantiay for the following reasons : First, the Lord
Jesus, the God of order and not of confusion, as
appeared most evidently in all the Kirks of His saints,
(of whom only I have the grace of my calling, as His
ambassador, albeit piost unworthy of that honour to
bear His name amongst the saints,) He has given me
His Word, and no law nor tradition of man, as the
o^ly instructioQS whereby I should rule the whole
actions of my calling in preaching of the Word, ad-
ministering of the seals thereof, and exercising of the
xiiscipline: and in discharge of this conmiission I
ciaomot fall in tjie reverence of any evil law of man,
but in so far as I shall be found past the compass of
my instructions ; which cannot be judged accordingly
to that order established by that God of order, but
[except] by the prophets, whose lips He hath appoint-
ed to be the keepers of His heavenly wisdom, and to
whom He hath subjected the spirit of the prophets.
And now, seeing it is the preaching of the Word where-
on I am accused, which is a principal point of my
1590. JAMES VI. 235
calling, of necessity the prophets must first declare
whether I have kept the bounds of my direction, be-
fore I come to be judged of your Majesty : which
being done, and I found culpable in transgressing any
point of that commission which the Lord has given
me, I refuse not to abide your Majesty's judgment
in the second instance, and to underly whatsoever
punishment it shall be found I have deserved.
** Secondly, because the liberty of the Kirk, and the
whole discipline thereof, according as the same has
been, and is presently exercised within your Majesty's
realm, has been confirmed by divers Acts of Parliar
ment, and approved in the Confession of Faith, by
the subscription and acts of your Majesty, and of your
Majesty's estate and the whole body of the country,
and peaceably enjoyed by the office-bearers of the Kirk
in all points, and namely in the foresaid point, anent
the judicatory of the preaching of the Word in prima
imtanlia^ as the practice of late examples evidently
will show: therefore, the question concerning my
preaching, ought, first, according to the grounds and
practice aforesaid, to be judged by the ecclesiastical
senate."' * * *
This resolute refusal to submit himself te the
judgment of the law, greatly enraged the King, and
convinced him that the time was come to make a
stand against the exorbitant claims of the Kirk.
It confirmed him, also, in his resolution to extend
his &vour to the Cathdiic earls, upon their due sub-
mission ; and at all hazards to put down that spirit of
1 MS. St. P. Off., David Black's Declaration to the King's
Majesty and Council, 22d Nov., 1596. Calderwood, p. 337*
236 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 159C.
dictation aiid interference which might have soon
made the tyranny and license of the ministers in-
tolerable. Having understood, therefore, that a copy
of Mr Black's declinator had been sent by the Com-
missioners of the Kirk to the various Presbyteries
throughout the kingdom for their signature, with
letters commending the cause to their assistance and
prayers, James at once construed this into an act of
mutiny ; and by a public Proclamation not only dis-
charged the Commissioners from holding any farther
meetings, but commanded them to leave the capital
and repair within twenty-four hours to their flocks.^
But this royal order they were in no temper to obey.
They instantly convened, and, in the phrase used by
their own historian, ^' laid their letters open before
the Lord."^ The danger, they declared, was im-
minent; and the ministers of the city must instantly,
in their pulpits, deal mightily with the power of the
Word against the charge which commanded them
to desert their duty. As the spiritual jurisdiction
flowed immediately from Christ, and could in no way
proceed from a King or civil magistrate : so also the
power to convene for the exercise of such jurisdiction
came directly from Christ, and could neither be im-
peded nor controlled by any Christian Prince. They
declared, therefore, that they would not obey the pro-
clamation, but remain together to w^atch over the
safety of Christ's Church, now in extreme jeopardy ;
and sent an angry message to the " Octavians," the
eight councillors who then managed the Government,
» Calilerwood, p. 341. « Ilia.
1596. JAMES VI. 237
assuring them, that as the Kirk had been in peace
and liberty on their coming to office and was now
plunged into the greatest troubles, they could not
but hold them responsible for the late bitter attacks
upon its privileges.
This accusation was indignantly repelled by Seton
thePresident of theSession ; and from him theCommis-
sioners of the Kirk repaired to the King ; who a^ured
them» with greater mildness than some had expected,
that if Black would withdrawhis "Declinator*' all could
be well arranged: a proposal which the more moderate
party in the Kirk anxiously advised to be adopted.
''At this moment/'theysaid, "theCourt stands in some
awe of the Kirk ; and our vrisest plan is to make the
best conditions we can. If we measure our strength
with the King, we shall be found too weak, and may
lose the ground we have gained." But others, more
fierce and zealous, arraigned such counsels as Eras-
tian, and worldly wise. To renounce the least of their
privileges would, they argued, be the sure way to lose
them all : to stand to their ground the only way to
prevail. It was God's cause ; and He who had the
hearts of Princes in His hand would maintain it.^
These counsels prevailed. The monarch, irritated
by the rejection of his offer, commanded the trial
of Black to proceed. So anxious, however, was he
to avoid extremities, that after the Judges had pro-
nounced their opinion that the matters charged
against him amounted, if proved, to treason, and were
within the jurisdiction of the King and Council, he
' Calderwood, pp. 340, 341. Spottiswood, p. 423.
238 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596-
deferred the trial till next day ; and in the interval
sent for some of the ministers, with the hope that,
even at this latest honr, some mutual conoessions
might lead to peace. It had heen reported to him,
he said, that they were in terror lest their spiritual
jurisdiction should be invaded ; but nothing could be
farther from his mind than any abridgment of the
liberties of the Kirk ; and he was ready, by a public
declaration on this point, to quiet their minds. **But,"
he continued, ** this licentious manner of discoursing
of affairs of State in the pulpit cannot be tolerated.
My claim is only to judge in matters of sedition, and
other civil and criminal causes, and of speeches that
may import such crimes, wheresoever they may be
uttered — in the pulpit or elsewhere: for surely, if
treason and sedition be crimes, much more are they
so if committed in the pulpit, where the Word of
Truth alone should be taught and heard.''
To this some of the ministers replied, that they did
not plead for the privilege of place, but for respect due
to their message, which was received from God, and fer
above the control of any civil judicature. " Most true,"
said James ; "and would you keep to your message,
there would and could be no strife. But I trust your
message be not to rule Estates, and, when matters
dislike you, to stir the people to sedition, making
both me and my councillors odious by your railings.** —
" If any dare do so," said the champion of the Kirk,
" and have passed the bounds, it is reason he be pun-
ished with all extremity ; but this question of his
having past the bounds must be judged by the
159G. JAMES VI. 289
Church." — " And shall not I," said the King, with
some asperity, "have power to call and punish a
minister that breaketh out in treasonable speeches,
but must come to your Presbytery and be a corn-
plainer ? I have had good proof already what justice
ye will do me ; and were this a doubtful case, where
by any colour the speeches might be justified, there
might be some excuse for saying the minister should
be convicted by his brethren ; but here, what says
Mr Black? 'All Kings are devil's bairns; the
treachery of the King's heart is discovered.' Who
sees not that this man hath passed his bounds?
Who will say he hath kept to his message ?"
It was easier to demur to this than to answer it ;
and so convinced were the ministers at the moment
of the reasonableness of the King's desires, that after
much conference and cavilling, they agreed to with-
draw from the contest, till the limits between the
civil and spiritual jurisdictions should be discussed and
decided in a lawful General Assembly. On his side,
also, James relaxed in the rigour of his requisi-
tions. He was content, he said, that Black should
be brought to his presence ; and on his admission or
denial of the truth of the accusations, be judged by
three of his own brethren, Mr David Lindsay, Mr
James Nicolson, and Mr Thomas Buchanan. Matters
were now on the very eve of an amicable adjustment,
when it was unfortunately suggested to the King,
that by this mode of settlement he would compromise
his dignity, and that of his Consort, unless Mr Black
first acknowledged his offence against the Queen,
240 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596.
From such a proceeding the indignant minister re-
volted. He would plead to no offence, he said ; for
he was guilty of none. The Court, before whom he
had been tried, had evinced the most shameless in-
justice ; had refused the most unexceptionable wit-
nesses, who would have amply proved his innocence.
Provost, bailies, rectors, deans, principals, and regents
of colleges, had been ready to testify in his favour;
and the judges had admitted in their place the evi-
dence of ignorant and partial persons, whom it was
impossible to believe. Come what might, he would
never plead before a Civil tribunal for an alleged
Spiritual delinquency ; but if the monarch chose to
remit him to his lawful judge, the ecclesiastical
senate, he would declare the truth; and, if found
guilty, cheerfully submit to its censure.^
This second declinature enraged the King even
more than the first; and having smnmoned his Council,
he commanded the trial to proceed ; but no prisoner
appeared. The depositions of the witnesses were then
read; and Black, in absence, was found guilty of
having falsely and treasonably slandered the King, the
Queen his royal Consort, his neighbour Princess the
Queen of England, and the Lords of Council and Ses-
sion. It was left to the King to name the due punish-
ment for such offences ; but till the royal pleasure
were known, he was sentenced to be confined beyond
the North Water, and within six days to enter his
person in ward.^ Yet although armed by this sentence,
' Calderwood, p. 351. Spottiswood, p. 425.
« Id. 427.
1696. JAMES vr. 241
and holding the sword of the civil power over the heads
of the guilty, James arrested its descent, and to the
last showed an anxiety for a compromise. The
punishment of Black, he said, should be of the light-
est kind ; and no ministers should he called before
the Privy Council till it had been found in a General
Assembly that the King might judge whether they
passed the bounds in doctrine. Meanwhile, the acts
of Council so obnoxious to the brethren should be de-
leted, the offensive proclamations amended, and every
reasonable safeguard provided against the alleged
encroachments upon the liberties of the Kirk.
Theseamicablefeelingswereunfortunatelyconstrued
rather into an admission of weakness than a desire for
peace ; and the Commissioners of the Kirk, sternly re-
fusing to abate an atom of their demands, declared that
no punishment could be inflicted on a man who had not
yet been tried. On the other hand, it was urged by
Setou, President of the Session, and one of the Octa-
vians, that unless some punishment followed the
sentence pronounced upon Black, the King could
never make that process a good ground for claiming
the jurisdiction over the ministers. The two anta-
gonists therefore, the Kirk and the Crown, found
themselves, after these protracted overtures, more
mortally opposed to each other than before. The
Kirk, protesting that every effort had failed to obtain
redress for the wrongs offered to Christ's kingdom,
proclaimed a Fast ; commanded all &ithful pastors to
betake themselves to their spiritual armour ; caused
*' the Doctrine," to use the phrase of these times, " to
VOL. IX. R
242 HlffTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1596.
sound miglitily ;" and protested that, whatever might
be the consequences, they Were free of his Majesty's
blood.^
The King received this announcement with the ut-
most scorn ; conunanded the Commissioners instantly
to depart the city ; ordered Black to enter into ward ;
and published a Declaration, in which he exposed, in
forcible and indignant terms, theunreasonable demands
of the Kirk. Out of an earnest desire, he said, to keep
peace with the ministers, he had agreed to waive all
inquiry into "past causes," till the unhappy differences
between the civil and ecclesiastical tribunal had
been removed by the judgment of a Convention of
Estates and a General Assembly of the ministry.
All that he had asked in return was, that his pro-
ceedings should not be made a subject of pulpit at-
tack and bitter ecclesiastical railing: instead of
listening to which request, they had vilified him in
their sermons, accused him of persecution, defended
Black, and falsely held him up to his people as the
enemy of all godliness. In the face of all such
slander and defamation, he now declared to his good
subjects, that as it was his determination on the one
hand to maintain religion and the discipline of the
Church as established by law, so on the other he was
resolved to enforce upon all his people, ministers of
the Kirk as well as others, that obedience to the laws
and reverence for the throne, without which no Chris-
tian kingdom could hold together. For this purpose
certain Bonds were in preparation, which the ministers
^ Calderwood, pp. 356, 360. Spottiswood, p. 426.
1596. JAMES VI. 243
should be required to Bnbscribe under the penalty of
a sequestration of their property.^
Meanwhile, the Commissioners having retired
from the city, a short breathing time was allowed ;
and Secretary Lindsay, trusting that the ministers
of Edinburgh might now be more tractable than
their brethren, prevailed on the King to send for
them. As a preliminary to all acconunodation, they
insisted that the Commissioners should be recalled ;
and the King, relaxing in his rigour, appeared
on the point of acceding to their wishes, when some
of the " CuMctdars^'' as the lords of the bed-chamber
and gentlemen of the household were called, interposed
their ill ofBces to prevent an agreement. These
ambitious and intriguing men had long envied and
hated the Octavians, and had hoped, under colour
of the recent dissensions in the Church, to procure
their disgrace and dismissal. Nothing could be more
unfavourable to such a plot than peace between
the King and the Kirk : nothing more essential to
its success than to fan the flame and stir the elements
of discord. This they now set about with diabolical
ingenuity. They laboured to make the Octavians
odious to the party of the Protestant barons and the
ministers. They assured them, that all the hot per-
secution of Mr Black arose from this hydra-headed
crew, of whom they knew the leaders to be Papists.
They insinuated to the Octavians that the animosity
of their enemies in the Kirk was so implacable as to
throw their lives into jeopardy; and they abused the
' Spottifiwood, p. 426,
244 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596.
King's ear, to whom their office gave them unlimited
accesSy hy tales against the citizens of Edinburgh ;
who mounted guard every night, as they affirmed,
over the houses of their ministers, lest their lives
should fall a sacrifice to the unmitigable rage of their
sovereign.
By these abominable artifices, the single end of
which was to destroy the government of the Octa-
vians, the hopes of peace were entirely blasted ; and
the little lull which had succeeded the retirement of
the Commissioners was followed by a more terrific
tempest than had yet occurred. The King, incensed
at the conduct of the citizens and the suspicion which
it implied, commanded twenty-four of the most zealous
burgesses to leave the capital within six hours ; a
proceeding which enraged the ministers, whose in-
dignation blazed to the highest pitch when they
received an anonymous letter, assuring them that
Huntly had been that night closeted with James.
The information was false, and turned out to be an
artifice of the " Cubiculars " ; but it had the effect
intended, for all was now terror in the Kirk. Bal-
canquel flew to the pulpit ; and after a general dis-
course on some text of the Canticles, plunged into
the present troubles of the Kirk, arraigned the
"treacherous forms" of which they had been made
the victims; and turning to the noblemen and barons
who were his auditors, reminded them, in glowing
language, of the deeds of their ancestors in defence
of the truth : exhorting them not to disgrace their
fathers, but to meet the ministers forthwith in
159G. JAMES VI. 245
the Little Church. To this quarter so great a crowd
now rushed, that the clergy could not make their
entrance; but Mr Robert Bruce, pressing forward,
at last reached the table where the Protestant barons
were seated, and warning them of the imminent
perils which hung over their heads, the return of the
Papist earls, the persecution of Black, the banishment
of the Commissioners and the citizens, conjured them
to bestir themselves and intercede with the King.*
For this purpose, Lords Lindsay and Forbes, with
the Lairds of Barganie and Balquhan, and the two
ministers, Bruce and Watson, sought the royal pre-
sence, then not far off; for the King was at that
moment sitting in the Upper Tolbooth with some
of his Privy Council, while the Judges of the Session
were assembled in the Lower House. On being ad-
mitted with the rest, Bruce informed the monarch
that they were sent by the noblemen and barons
then convened, to bemoan and avert the dangers
threatened to religion. " What dangers ?" said
James. *'I see none ; and who dares convene, con-
trary to my proclamation?" — "Dares!" retorted
the fierce Lord Lindsay. " We dare more than
that; and shall not suffer the Truth to be over-
thrown, and stand tamely by." As he said this the
clamour increased ; numbers were thronging unman-
nerly into the presence-chamber, and - the King,
starting up in alarm, and without giving any answer,
retreated down stairs to the Lower House, where
the Judges were assembled, and commanded the
■ Spottiswood, p. 427.
246 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1596.
doors to be shut. The Protestant lords and minis-
ters upon this retnmed to the little Kirk, where the
multitude had been addressed during their absence
by Mr Michael Cranstoni who had read to them the
history of Haman and Mordecai. This story had
worked them up tp a point that prepared them for
any mischief; and when they heard that the King
had turned his back upon their messengers, they
became furious with rage and disappointment. Some,
dreading the worst, desired to separate ; but Lind-
say's lion voice was heard above the clamour, for-
bidding them to disperse. Shouts now arose, to force
the doors and bring out the wicked Haman ; others
<5ried out " The sword of the Lord and of Gideon;"
and in the midst of the confusion, an agent of the
xsourtiers, or, as Calderwood terms him, ** a messen-
ger of Satan. sent by the Cubiculars," vociferated
"Armour, armour! save yourselves. Fy, fy! bills
and axes!" The people now rose in arms; some
rushing one way, some another ; some, thinking the
King was laid hands on, ran to the Tolbooth ; some,
believing that their ministers were being butchered,
flew to the Kirk ; others thundered with their axes
and weapons on the Tolbooth doors; calling for Pre-
sident Seton, Mr Elphinston, and Mr Thomas Har
milton, to be given up to them, that they might take
order with them aa abusers of the King and the
Kirk. At this moment, had not a brave deacon of
the craftsmen, named Wat, with a small guard, beat
them back, the gate would have been forced, and
none could have answered for the consequences. But
1699. JAHE8VI. 247
at last the provost, Sir Alexandier Hume, vthom tfat
fihoutfi of the uproaif had reached as he lay on a sick
bed, Beizing hia sWord, rushed in, all haggard and
paliB, amongst the citizens, and with difficulty ap-
peased them into a temporary calnL
James, who was greatly alarmed, now sent the
Eail of Mar to remonstrate with the ministers,
whom he found pacing up and down, disconso-
lately, hehind the church, lamenting the tumult,
and excusing their own part. On being remonstrated
with by Mar, all that they required, they said, was
the abolition of the acts done in prejudice of the
Kirk during the last four weeks; that the Presi-
dent, Comptroller, and Advocate, men suspected in
religion, aad enemies to the truth, should have no
voice in ecclesiastical matters ; and that the good citi-
zens who had been banished, should be recalled.
These demands being reported, the monarch promised
to lay them, when put into proper form, before his
Council; and seizing the moment of tranquillity,
ventured to open the doors of the Lower Tolbooth,
and accompanied by the provost, bailies, and Octa-
vians, slipt quietly into the street, and proceeded to
his palace at Holyrood.
Here at last there was safety; and his courage
reviving, James expressed himself with the utmost
indignation against the ministers and leaders of
the late tumult; vowing that they, the tovni, the
barons, and every living soul connected with the re-
cent disgraceful scenes, should bitterly repent them.
These sentiments were encouraged by the councillors ;
248 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1596.
and next morning the King and his whole Court, at
an early hour, left the city for Linlithgow, Scarcely
had they departed, when a Herald appearing at the
Cross, read a proclamation which struck dismay into
the hearts of the people. It described the treason-
able uproar of the preceding day, which had been
raised by the factious ministers of Edinburgh, who,
it stated, after haying uttered most seditious speeches
in pulpit, had assembled with the noblemen, barons,
and others ; had sent an irreverent message to their
sovereign, persuaded the citizens to take arms, and
put his Majesty's life in jeopardy. Such treasonable
conduct, it declared, had convinced the King that the
capital was no longer a fit place for his own resi-
den^ce, or for the ministration of justice ; he had
therefore himself left it with his Court, and now
commanded the Lords of Session, Sheriffs, and all
other officers of justice, to remove themselves forth
of the town of Edinburgh, and be ready to repair to
such other place as should be appointed. At the
same time he ordered all noblemen and barons to
depart instantly to their own houses, and to forbear
any further assembly till they had received the royal
permission.^
This proclamation had an immediate effect, and
caused a great alteration. Men looked sadly and
despondingly on each other. The craftsmen and
burgesses foretold the utter decay of their town and
trade. All seemed in despair : but nothing could
intimidate the Kirkmen ; and Mr Robert Bruce, one
* Spottiswood, p. 429-430.
1596. JAMES VI. 249
of their principal leaders, ascending the pulpit, up-
braided them with their pusillanimity. "A day,"
said he, '' a day of trial and terror is at hand. The
hypocrisy of many, the flagrant iniquity of others,
will clearly appear. The trial shall go through all
men : from King and Queen to council and nobility,
from session to barons, from barons to burgesses, from
burgesses to the meanest craftsmen, all will be sifted ;
and sorry am I that I should see such weakness in
so many, that ye dare not utter so much as one word
for God's glory and the good cause. It is not we
that are parties in this cause. No : the quarrel
is betwixt a greater Prince and us. We are but
silly men, and unworthy 'creatures. But it hath
pleased Him who ruleth all things, to set us in this
OfBce, and to make us His own mouth, that we should
oppose the manifest usurpation intended against His
spiritual kingdom ; and sorry am I that our cause
should be obscured by this late tumult, and that the
enemies should be thereby emboldened to pull the
crown off Christ's head."'
After this stirring address. Lord Hamilton was se-
cretly invited to place himself at the head of the godly
barons and other gentlemen, who had embraced the
cause of the Kirk; and a proposal was made for the ex-
communication of Seton the President of the Session,
and Hamilton the Lord Advocate ; but in the end it
was deemed advisable to defer this awful process to
the General Assembly, when these offenders might,
with greater solenmity, be delivered over to Satan.
' Calderwood, p. 36C.
250 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 15^0.
Meanwhile, a Fast was proclaimed; and Mr John
Welsh, one of the ministers, thundered from one of
the city pulpits an extraordinary philippic against
the King ; taking for his general subject the epistle
sent to the angel of the Church at Ephesus. His
Majesty, he said, had been possessed with a devil;
and one devil having been put out, seven worse spirits
were entered in his place. He was, in £act, in a
state of frenzy ; and it was lawfal for the subjects
to rise against him, and take the sword out of his
hand ; just as a father of a &mily, if visited vnth
insanity, might be seized by his children and servants
and tied hand and foot. An execrable doctrine,
justly observes Spottiswood, which was yet received
by many of the hearers as a sound application.
This insolent attack was scarcely made, when
Lord Hamilton, who had at first received the
messenger of the Kirk with courtesy, suddenly
rode to Linlithgow, and put into the King's hands
the letter addressed him by the ministers. It was
construed into a direct incitement to rebellion:
and certainly its terms went far that way. Ad-
dressing themselves to this nobleman, the brethren
presumed, they said, that his Lordship was aware of
the long conference between his Majesity and them;
many concurrings, and as many breaks, in which, at
last, the malice of some councillors had come to this,
that their stipends were discharged; the Commit
sioners of the General Assembly banished ; Mr David
Black convicted of treason and warded ; themselves
appointed to suffer the like ; and now, at last, a great
1506. JAMES VL 251
number of their flock, who had stood in their d^ence,
expelled from the town. They proceeded to state
that the people, in this crisis, animated, no donbt, by
the Word of God's spirit, took arms ; and, unless
restrained by their ministers, would, in their fury,
have lighted upon many of the councillors, who
were threatening destruction, as they believed, to
religion and Government. The letter stated that
the godly barons, vnth other gentlemen who were
in the town, had convened themselves; they had
taken upon them the patronioy of the Kirk and
her cause; but they lacked a head, and specially
a nobleman to countenance the matter, and with one
consent had made choice of Lord Hamilton. '' And
seeing," so the ministers concluded their inflammatory
epistle, -*God has given your Lordship this honour, we
oould do no less than to follow His calling, and make
it known to you, that vnth all convenient diligence
you might come here^ utter your affection to the
good cause, and receive the honour which is offered
you."^
This letter was subscribed by the leading min-
isters of the Kirk; Bruce, Balcanquel, Rollock,
Balfour, and Watson: but the great nobleman to
whom it was addressed, resisted the dangerous
preeminence, and highly offended the Kirk by now
placing it in the King's hands, who was not slow
to take advantage of the discovery. In truths the
tumult recently committed by the citizens, and
the part which had been acted in it by the clergy,
> Warrender MSS., vol. B., p. 246.
262 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1596.
was a prodigious advantage given to the monarch ;
who quickly perceived it. He was well aware of
the difficulty of dealing with the ministers, as long
as they confined themselves to their political
attacks in the pulpit, and pleaded an independent
jurisdiction; but the citizens and bailies were un-
questionably amenable to the authority of the Crown
and the laws. They were, with scarcely a single
exception, Protestants ; warmly attached to the Kirk,
and a principal element in its power. . All this the
King knew; and when he saw that he had them
within his grasp, he determined they should feel the
full weight of his resentment. It was in vain that
the citizens sought to appease the royal wrath, and
despatched the humblest messages to implore its
removal, and invite their sovereign back to his capital.
The envoys were refused access; the provost was
commanded to imprison the ministers, who were
accused of having instigated a tumult which had
endangered the life of their prince ; the outrage was
declared treason by an act of Council ; the capital
was pronounced unsafe; the nobility and gentry
interdicted from resorting thither; the inferior judi-
catories and the Supreme Court removed; and the
ominous answer returned by the King to the citizens,
that he meant ere long to come to Edinburgh, in
person, and let them know that he was their sove-
reign.
To enforce this, James summoned his Highland no-
bles with their fierce attendants, and his Border barons
vntli their lawless followers. Dark surmises ran
1596. JAMES VI. 253
tbroagh the Court, and soon reached the startled ears of
the townsmen, that their city was doomed to indiscri-
minate pillage; it was to be sacked, perhaps razed, and
sown with salt. Will of Kinmont, it was said, was to
be let loose upon it ; and his name, always formidable,
and now more notorious from his recent escape,
struck terror into the hearts of the burghers. It was in
vain that the ministers attempted to rally the courage
of their flocks, spoke of excommunicating their ene-
mies in the Council, and drew up a bond for the
defence of religion. The magistrates refused to sub-
scribe it ; the craftsmen, torn between their love of
gain and their devotion to sound doctrine, began to
look coldly and doubtfully upon their pastors; and
the four clergymen, who had taken the most active
part in the tumult, dreading an arrest, fled by night
to Newcastle.^ But these were not the days when
the artisans and merchants of a feudal capital were
subjects of easy plunder. All had arms, and knew
well how to use them ; and the shops, booths, and
warehouses, were soon emptied of their goods, which
were stowed away in the strongest houses of the
town. The sturdy proprietors then took to their
weapons, mounted guard over their stores, and deter-
mined that neither Catherans nor Borderers should
spoil them without a bloody struggle.*
On the 1st January, the dreaded entry of the
monarch took place. The streets and gates had,
early in the morning, been occupied by the various
chiefs and clans appointed for the purpose. The
' Spottiswood, p. 431. ^ Dirrers Diary.
254 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596-7.
provost and magistrates delivered the keys of the
city on their knees to the King; professed their
deep sorrow for the late tnmult, of which, they de-
clared, they were individnally guiltless ; and solicited
the strictest scrutiny into the whole. As to the in-
flammatory sermons, and the conduct of their minis-
ters who had been recently outlawed, they should,
they said, never be re-admitted to their charge with-
out the permission of the King; and at the next
election of the civic authorities, such persons only
should be chosen as had previously been approved of
by the Crown.* James then proceeded to the High
Church, heard a sermon from Mr David Lindsay, and
made an oration to the people, in which he justified
himself, cleared his councillors, and deeply blamed
the ministers.^ He spoke of his own early education
in the reformed religion; his solemn determination to
maintain it; to extirpate from his realm all unre-
pentant idolaters, and to provide for the preaching
of God's Word, which had been silent in the capital
since the flight of those unworthy pastors who had
profaned the pulpits by their seditious harangues.
Having thus somewhat reassured the trembling citi-
zens, he deemed that he had gone far enough for the
present ; and not only declined accepting their offers
of submission, but at a succeeding Convention of
Estates, held at Holyrood, anew declared the tumult
to be treason, intimated his resolution to prosecute
the town criminally, and commanded the provost
' Maitland, vol. ii., p. 1278.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Cecil, 4th Januaiy,*1596.
1506-7. JAMES VI. 255
and bailies to enter their persons in ward, within
the town of Perth, before the Ist of February ;
to remain there in durance till acquitted, or found
guilty of the uproar.^ The sword was thus kept
suspended over the heads of the unhappy magistrates
and their capital ; and it was quite apparent that the
King, having become convinced of his own strength,
was determined to defer the moment of mercy till
he had accomplished some great purpose which now
filled his mind.
This was nothing less than the establishment of
Episcopacy. The recent excesses of the more vio-
lent ministers had made the deepest impression upon
the monarch ; and it was evident to him, that if the
principles of independent jurisdiction which they
had not hesitated to adopt, were preached and acted
upon, there must ensue a perpetual collision between
the ecclesiastical and civil authorities. He longed,
therefore, to use the words of Spottiswood, to see
** a decent order established in the Kirk, which should
be consistent with the Word of God, the custom of
primitive times, and the laws of the realm ;" and
he believed that no fitter moment could occur to
carry this great object than the present. His first
step was to summon a General Assembly of the
Church to meet at Perth on the last of February.
His next was an act of conciliation. The eight
councillors who, under the name of Octavians, had,
for the last eighteen months, managed the financial
department of the State, and indirectly controlled
^ Spottiswood, p. 433.
256 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596-7.
every part of the Government, had been especiailv
obnoxious to the Protestant clergy, ajid to a section
of the courtiers and bed-chamber lords. They were
hated by the ministers, who suspected them to be
mostly concealed Roman Catholics; by the Cubiculare,
as the courtiers were called, because they had curtailed
their perquisites, and introduced a strict economy; and
theKing, by accepting their resignations, believed that
he would popularize his intended ecclesiastical inno-
vations.^ These changes he now prefaced by drawing
up and circulating amongst the different Synods and
Presbyteries, no less than fifty-five questions, involv-
ing the most important points in dispute between
himself and his clergy ; not, as he solenmly declared,
for the purpose of troubling the peace of the Kirk
by thorny disputes, but to have its polity cleared, its
corruptions eradicated, and a pleasant harmony es-
tablished between himself and its ministers.^ The
spirit and tendency of these questions gave great
alarm to the brethren. The King inquired whether
matters of external ecclesiastical regimen might
not be disputed, salvdfide et religione ; whether the
Prince by himself or the pastors by themselves, or
both conjunctly, should establish the Acts concerning
the government of the Kirk ; whether the consent of
a majority of the flock, and also of the patron, was
necessary in the election of pastors ; whether there
could be a lawful minister, without impositio manuum;
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Burgbley, 13th January,
1596-7.
- Spottiswood, p. 434.
1596-7. JAMES VI. 957
whether pastors should be permitted to allude by
name to councillors and magistrates in the pulpit, or
to describe them so minutely as to leave no doubt
whom they meant, although the parties so attacked
were guiltless of notorious vices, and had not been
previously admonished; whether the pastor should
be confined to the doctrine directly flowing firom his
text, or might preach all things on all texts ; whether
the General Assembly of the Kirk might be convoked
without consent of the Prince, he being plus et Chris-
tianus Magistratus ; whether it were lawful to ex-
communicate such Papists as had never professed
the reformed faith ; whether a Christian Prince had
power to annul a notoriously-unjust sentence of ex-
communication, and to amend such disorders as might
occur either by pastors failing in their duties, or by
one jurisdiction usurping the province of another ;
whether Fasts for general causes might be proclaimed
without the command of the Prince ; whether any
causes infringing upon the civil jurisdiction, or inter-
fering with vested private rights, might be disputed
and ruled in the ecclesiastical courts ; and whether
the civil magistrate had not a full right to stay all
such proceedings ? ^
These searching interrogatories were received with
no inconsiderable dismay by the clergy. They took
great offence that their forms of ecclesiastical polity,
which they considered irreversibly fixed by Act of
Parliament, and founded, as they contended, on the
Word of God, which had been so highly eulogized also
1 Spotikwood, pp. 4S5, 436.
VOL, IX. S
258 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1596-7.
by the King in 1592, should be called in question.
They saw how acutely the questions had bpen drawn
up ; how deeply they touched the independence of the
Kirk ; what a total revolution and alienation the late
excesses of the ministers had occasioned in the mind
of the sovereign, and how earnest and determined he
seemed in the whole matter.
All this demanded instant vigilance and resis-
tance. Many private conferences were held ; and in
the end of February the brethren of the Synod of
Fife convened at St Andrews; where, after 'tossing
of the King's questions for sundry days," they drew
up their replies, which, as was to be expected, ruled
everything in favour of the Kirk, and resisted every
claim on the part of the King. Some of thescT answers
are remarkable, and seem to show that the principles
then laid down were incompatible with the existence of
civil government. Thus, the first question, Whether
matters concerning the external government of the
Kirk might not be debated sdmfide et religione? was
met by a peremptory negative ; on the second, they
were equally positive that the King had no voice in
the discussion or establishment of any acts relating
to Church government. All the Acts of the Kirk
(so was their response worded) ought to be estab-
lished by the Word of God. Of this Word the ordi-
nary interpreters were the pastors and doctors of the
Kirk ; the extraordinary expounders, such as were
called for in times of corruption, were the prophets, or
such men as were endowed by God with extraordinary
gifts ; and kings and princes had nothing to do but
1696-7. JAMES VL 259
to ratify and vindicate, by their civil sanctions, that
which these pastors and prophets had authoritatively
declared.^ As to the indecent and scnrrilons practice
of inveighing against particular men and councillors
by name in the pulpit, they defended its adoption by
what they termed apostolic authority. " The canon,**
said they, ** of the Apostle is clear : ' They that sin
publicly, rebuke publicly, that the rest may fear ;' ''
and so much the more if the public sin be in a public
person. On other points they were equally clear and
decided in favour of their own practices and preten-
sions. All things, they contended, might be spoken
on all texts ; and if the minister travelled from his
subject, he was only following the express directions
of Paul to Timothy. The General Assembly might
be convened without the authority of the King, be-
cause the officers of the Kirk received their place and
warrant directly from Christ, and not from any tem-
poral Prince ; and the acts passed in that Assembly
were undoubtedly valid, although carried against the
royal will. On this question their reasoning was ex-
traordinary : " The King (they contended) should
consent to, and give a legal sanction to all acts
passed in the Assembly; and why? Because the
acts of the Assembly have sufficient authority from
Christ; who has promised, that whatever shall be
agreed upon on earth by two or three convened in
his name, shall be ratified in heaven; a warrant to
which no temporal King or Prince can lay claim :
and so," it continues, ^' the acts and constitutions of
1 Caiderwood, pp. 382, 383.
260- HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1696-7.
the Kirk are of higher authoritry than those of any
earthly king ; yea, they should command and over-
role kings, whose greatest honour should be to be
members, nursing fathers and servants to this King
Christ Jesus, and his House and Queen the Kirk." ^
To pursue the answers is unnecessary, enough having
been given to show their general tendency. But the
courage of the Synod of Fife, by whom these stout re-
plies were dravm up, did not pervade the whole body of
the Kirk ; and the King, who managed the affair with
his usual acuteness and dexterity, succeeded in procur-
ing a majority in the General Assembly, and ultimately
carrying his ovm views.
This James appears to have effected by holding out
hopes of preferment to those who were wavering, and
packing the General Assembly with a large majority of
north-country ministers, who were generally esteemed
more lukewarm Presbyterians and more devoted cour-
tiers than their lowland brethren. Sir Patrick Murray,
a gentleman of the bed-chamber, had been sent for this
purpose into the North ; and was so successful in his
mission, that when the Assembly met at Perth, the
King found them in a more placable and conciliatory
mood than could have been anticipated. It was de-
clared, after some sharp discussion, a lawful Assem-
bly; having power, not only to debate, but to con-
clude such questions as diould be brought before
them. The royal Commissioners, Sir John Cockbum,
Sir John Preston, and .Mr Edward Bruce, then
> Galderwood, p. 386.
1596-7. JAMES vi. 261
presented thirteen Articles, which embraced the
principal points of dispnte already indnded by the
King in his original Queries; and a Committee 'of
the Assembly having been chosen to consider them,
they gave in, next morning, a series of answers, which
James pronounced unsatisfiGustory, and requested the
members of Assembly to meet the Estates for the
purpose of a more fiill discussion. When they ap-
peared, he observed that they must be well aware of
the object for which he had desired their attendance.
'' My purpose," said he, '4n calling you together is
to amend such things as are amiss, and to take away
the questions that may move trouble afterwards.
If yon, for your parts, be willing to have matters
righted, things may yet go well. I claim nothing
but what is due to every Christian King ; that is, to
be Cwtos et Virdes Disciplifus. Corruptions are
crept in, and more are daily growing by this liberty
that preachers take in the application of their doctrine,
and censuring everything that is not to their mind.
This I must have amended ; for such discourses serve
only to move sedition, and raise tumults. Let the
Truth of God be taught in the Chair of Truth, and
wickedness be reprobated ; but in such sort as the
offender may be bettered, and vice made more odious.
To rail against men in pulpit, and express their
names, as we know was done of late, there being no
just cause ; and to make the Word of God, which is
ordained to guide men in the way of salvation, an
instrument of sedition; is a sin, I am sure, beyond all
other that can be committed on earth Hold you
262 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. . 1596-7.
within your limits, and I will never blame you, nor
suffer others to work you any vexation. The civil
government is committed to me. It is not your
subject; nor are ye to meddle with it."^
This peremptory mode of address overawed the As-
sembly; and after protesting that they had convened in
that place only to evince their obedience to the sove-
reign, and in no wise consenting to submit matters
ecclesiastical to a civil judicatory, they withdrew to
their ordinary place of meeting, and prepared their
amended answers ; with which the King declared him-
self satisfied for the present. And he had good reason
to be so ; for he had already gained some principal
points. It was agreed that the monarch, either by
himself or his Conmiissioners, might propose to the
General Assembly any reformation or amendment in
ecclesiastical matters connected with the external
government of the Kirk ; that no unusual conventions
should be held amongst pastors without the royal
consent ; that the acts of the Privy Council, or the
laws passed by the three Estates, should not be
attacked or discussed in the pulpit, yrithout remedy
having been first sought from the King ; that in the
principal towns of the realm no minister should be
chosen without consent of the King, and of the
flock ; and that no man should be by name rebuked
in the pulpit, unless he had fled from justice, or were
under sentence of excommunication.^
James' next step was to reconcile the Catholic
lords to the Kirk ; and he was here equally success-
' Spottiswood, p. 440. * Id. p. 441.
1597. jAMssvi. 268
ful. He had already written a peremptory letter to
Uimtly, infonmng him that the time waa come when
he mnst either embrace the Protestant fiuth, remain
in Scotland^ and be restored to his honours and his
estates ; or leave his country for ever, if, as the King
expressed it in his letter, his conscience were so
"/rfftfe"^ as to refuse these conditions; in which
case James added, '' Look never to be a Scotsman
again!" The letter concluded with these solemn
words : —
" Deceive not yourself to think that by lingering
of time, your vnfe and your allies shall ever get you
better conditions. I must love myself and my own
estate better than all the world ; and think not that
I will suffer any professing a contrary religion to
dweU in this land."*
The conditions presented to Huntly, Angus, and
Enrol, were, that after conference with the Presby-
terian ministers, who should be careful to instruct
them in the Truth, they should acknowledge the Kirk
of Scotland to be a true Church, become members of
it, hear the Word, receive the sacraments, and be obe-
dient to its discipline ; and that they should banish
^ Jesuits and seminary priests from their com-
pany and estates, and subscribe the Confession of
Faith. On the meeting of the Greneral Assembly at
Dundee, (10th May, 1597,) the brethren who had
* t. 6., So tickliBh or tender.
' Original in the King's hand, Warrender MSS., vol. A., p. 169.
Printed by Spottiswood, with some words and sentences omitted.
284 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1B97.
been appointed for this purpose, r^Mirted that the
earls had recanted their errors, snbseribed the Con-
fession of Faith, and so completely fulfilled all tlie
conditions required of them, that nothing more re-
mained, than the pleasing duty of receiving them
oiice more into communion with the Kirk. Bat» at
the very moment of reconciliation, it was found that
Mr James Gordon, a Jesuit, had glided in disguise
into the country of Huntly, and was busy in shaking
his resolution; whilst a daring Catholic baron, named
Barclay of Ladyland, seized and fortified Ailsa, a
small island in the shape of a huge, rugged rock,
off the coast of Ayr, with the design of delivering it
to the Spaniards, who had promised to make a de-
scent in that quarter. This desperate enterprise was
d^eated by Mr Andrew Knox, minister of Paisley,
whose prowess had been shown some five years be-
fore this, in seizing George Ker with the Spanish
Blanks.^ With like success, this devoted member
of the Kirk having discovered Barclay's pk>t, girded
on his sword ; and taking boat, vrith a few daring
assistants, attacked the traitor on his rock, and re-
duced him to such extremity, that rather than be
taken alive he rushed into the sea, and in one mo-
ment choked both himself and his treason.'
This reverse confirmed the Catholic lords in
their convictions; and the ceremony of their re-
conciliation to the Kirk, and restoration to their
> Supra, p. 76-77.
' Spottifiwood, p. 445. MS. St. P. Off., without date.
1597. JAME8 VI. 265
estates and honours, todk place at Aberdeen in the
end of June. As it ivas an event particnlarly accept-
able to the King, and considered a great triumph by
the Kirk, the proceedings were conducted with much
solemnity. After a strict Fast, held on Saturday the
2&th of June, on which day the three earls, Huntly,
Angus, and Enrol, made up all deadly quarrels, and
shook hands with their enemies, mutually imploring
and receiving foi^veness; the congregation assem-
bled on Sunday the 26th, in the old Kirk at Aber-
deen, which was crowded with the noblemen, barons,
and common people. In the main aisle was a
table for the sacrament of the Lord's Supper;
and inmiediately before the sermon, the three earls
rose firom their places, and subscribed the Confes-
sion of Faith. The sermon followed, preached by Mr
John Gledstanes; after which the earls rose, and
with a loud voice made open confession of their late
defection and apostacy, professing their present con-
viction of the truth of the Presbyterian &ith, and
their resolution to remain steadfeust in the same.
Huntly then declared before God, his majesty, and
the Kirk, his deep penitence for the murder of the
Earl of Murray ; after which the three noble delin-
quents were absolved firom the sentence of excom-
munication, and received by the ministers, the royal
Commissioner, and the provost and magistrates, into
the bosom of the Kirk. A person in the dress of a
penitent now threw himself on his knees before the
pulpit: it was the Laird of Gicht, who implored
pardon for his supporting Bothwell, and entreated
266 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1597.
to be released from his sentence of excommunication.
All this Tvas granted, The repentant earls then re-
ceived the sacrament after the Presbyterian form;
solemnly swore to keep good order in their wide and
wild territories, executing justice, destroying '^baiigs-
ters," and showing themselyes, in all respects, " good
justiciars;" and^ on the succeeding day, Marchmont
Herald proclaimed their reconciliation by sound of
trumpet at the Cross, which was hung with tapestry,
and surrounded by multitudes, who shouted their
joy, drank their healths, and tossed their glasses in
the air.^
This success gave strength to the King^s gOTem^
ment, and encouraged James to go forward with his
great ecclesiastical project; but he proceeded with
caution, and took care not to alarm the Kirk by pre-
maturely disclosing the full extent of his reforms.
He had now secured in his interest a large party of
the ministers ; but the elements of democracy, and
the hatred of anything approaching to a hierarchy,
were still deeply rooted in the General Assem-
bly, and in the hearts of the people. Mr Andrew
Melyil, Principal of the College of St Andrews,
a man singularly learned, ready in debate, sarcafitic,
audacious, and overbearing, led the popular party,
with his nephew, James Melvil, who was warmly
attached to the same principles, but of a gentler
spirit. Many others assisted them ; and the King,
anxious to get rid of their opposition, proposed that,
' Thomas Mollison to Mr Robert Paip, Aberdeen, 28th June,
1597. Analecta Scotica, p. 299.
1597. JAMES VI. 267
instead of the whole Assembly continuing its pro-
ceedings, a General Commission should be granted to
some of the wisest amongst the brethren, who might
consult and cooperate with the monarch upon yarioua
matters of weight which concerned " not only par-
ticular flocks, but the whole estate and body of the
Kirk."^ This was agreed to. Fourteen ministers
were chosen, most df whom were known to be fa-
Tourable to the views of the Court ; and these, whom
Calderwood the popular historian of the Kirk stig*
matizes as the '' King's led horsCy" convened soon after
at Falkland, where they summoned before them the
Presbytery of St Andrews, and gave a specimen of their
new power, by reversing a judgment pronounced by the
Presbytery of St Andrews, and removing from their
chaise two ministers named Wallace and Black, who
had profaned their pulpits by personal attack and vitu-
peration. This was followed by a strict and searching
visitation of the University of St Andrews, the strong-
hold of its Rector, Mr Andrew Melvil ; who in his
office of Principal had, as the King conceived, been
too busy in disseminating amongst the students his
&vourite principles of ministerial parity and popular
power. A new Rector was elected ; a certain mode
of teaching prescribed to the several professors ; and
a more strict economy introduced into the disposal
of the rents of the University, by the appointment of
a financial council.
During the summer and autumn, James was busily
occupied with the trial of witches, and an expedition
> Calderwood, p. 409.
268 HISTOEY OP SCOTLAND. 1597.
to the Borders ; in which last he acted with great
^ergy. Fourteen of the most notorious offenders
were taken and hanged ; thirty-six of the principal
barons, who liad encouraged their outrages, seized
and brought prisoners to the capital; and liord
Ochiltree left as Lieutenant and Warden over the
disturbed districts. Parliament now assembled, and
opened with some proceedings on the part of the
King, which showed an alienation from England.
In an oration to his nobility, he dwelt on the wrongs
he had received in the execution of his mother ; the in-
terruption in the payment of his gratuity ; the scorn-
fill answers returned to his temperate remonstrance ;
the unjust imputations of Elizabeth, who accused him
of exciting Poland and Denmark against her, and fos-
tering rebellion in Ireland. But what had most deeply
offended him, was the attempt made recently in the
English Parliament to defeat his title to the throne
of that kingdom ; a subject upon which, owing to the
daily reports of the shattered health of the Queen,
he had become more keenly sensitive than ever.^
Against all this it was evident he now resolved to be
timely on his guard ; but, in the meantime, his mind
was full of that great plan which had so long occu-
pied it : the establishment of the order of Bidiops.
For this all was now ripe ; and when the Commis-
sioners of the Kirk laid their petition before Parlia-
ment, one of its requisitions was found to be as follows:
'* That the ministers, as representing the Church and
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., George Nicolson to Sir B. CeciJ, 15th
December, 1597.
1597. JAME8 VL 269
third Estate of the Kh^dooif nught be admitted to
have a Toice in Parliament.'^
It i^as at once seen that nnder this application,
which had been so artfnlly managed to come not
from the King bnt the Kirk, the first step was maite
for restoring the order of bishops. The monansh,
indeed, did not now deny it. He knew that he had a
majority in the Assembly, and looked for an easy
victory ; bnt something of the ancient courage and
fervonr of Presbyterianism remained. Ferguson,
now venerable from his age and experience, lifted up
his testimony against the project for bringing his
brethren into Parliament. It was, he affirmed,
a Court stratagem ; and if they suffered it to suc-
ceed, would be as fatal, from what it carried within
its bowels, as the horse to the unhappy Trojans.
Let the words, said he, of the Dardan prophetess ring
in your ears, *'Equo ne credite Teucri!" Andrew
Melvil, whom the Court party had in vain attempted
to exclude, argued against the petition in his wonted
rapid and powerful style ; and John Davison, tearing
away from the King's speech, and the arguments of
his adherents, the thin veil with which their ultimate
design was covered, pointed, in a strain of witty and
biting irony, to the future bench of bishops, and their
Primate at their head. ** Busk him, hnak him," said
he, **as bonnilie as ye can, and fetch him in as fairly
as ye will — we ken him weel eneuch; we see the horns
of his mitre." ^ But these were insulated efforts ; and
* Calderwood, p. 415. Bjosk, dress; bcmnilie, prettily; ken,
know ; eneuch, enough.
270 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1597-8,
had so little effect, that the King, without difficnlty,
procured an act to be passed, which dedared, ^ That
such pastors and ministers as the Crown provided to
the place and dignity of a Bishop, Abbot, or other pre-
late, should have voice in Parliament as freely as any
other ecclesiastical prelate had in any former age.^
A General Assembly was soon after convened^ in
which the subject was solemnly argued in the King^s
presence, first by a committee of brethren, and after-
wards by the whole Church.* As a preparation for this,
James had tried every method of conciliation. He had
extended his forgiveness to the ministers of Edin-
burgh for their part in the late tumult : he had re-
stored their privileges, and the comfort of his royal
presence and pardon, to the magistrates and the
citizens of the capital ; not, however, vrithout having
first imposed on them a heavy fine. To those stem
and courageous supporters of the Presbyterian Estab-
lishment, whose presence he dreaded, other methods
were used. Mr Andrew Melvil, who pleaded a right
to be present in the Assembly, as he had a ''Doctoral
charge in the Kirk," was commanded, under pain of
treason, to leave the city ; others, whose subserviency
was doubtful, were wearied out and induced to retire
by lengthened preliminary discussions ; and at last
the King opened his great project in a studied har-
angue. He dwelt on his constant care to adorn and
favour the Kirk, to remove controversies, restore
discipline, and increase its patrimony. All, he said,
was in a fair road to success ; but in order to ensure
1 Spottiswood, p. 450. * 7th March, 1597.
1597-8. JAMES VI, 271
it and perfect the reform, it was. absolutely requisite
that ministers should have a vote in parliament : with*
out which, the Kirk could not be saved from falling
mto poverty and contempt. ^*I mean not," said
he, emphatically, " to bring in Papistical or Anglican
bishops, but only that the best and wisest of the
ministry should be selected by your Assembly
to have a place in Council and Parliament, to sit upon
their own affairs, and not to stand always at the door
like poor supplicants, utterly despised and disregard-
ed.** ^ A keen argument followed. Mr James Mel-
vil, Davison, Bruce, Carmichael, and Aird, all devoted
and talented ministers, spoke against the project, and
denounced it in the strongest language. On the other
side the brunt of the battle, in its defence, fell on
Gledstanes, and the King himself, no mean adept in
ecclesiastical polemics ; but, if we may believe Calder-
wood, the main element of success was the presence
of the northern brethren ; whom this historian describes
as a sad subservient rabble, led by Mr Gilbert Bodie,
'' a drunken Orkney ass," whose name described their
character : all being for the body, with small regard
to the spirit.^ In the end the question waa carried
by a majority of ten : the Assembly finding that it
was expedient for the good of the Kirk that the
mmisters, as the third Estate of the realm, should
have a vote in Parliament ; that the same number,
being fifty-one or thereby, should be chosen, as were
wont of old in time of the Papistical Kirk, to be
bishops, abbots, and priors ; and that their election
> Calderwood, p. 418. « Id. p. 419.
272 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 15d7-8,
should belong partly to the King and partly to the
Kirk.*
This resolution was adopted in March 1597-8 ; but
the final establishment of Episcopacy did not take place
till more than a twelvemonth after this, in a General
Assembly convoked at Montrose on the 28th March,
1600. On that occasion, it was decided that the King
should choose each bishop, for every place that was to
be filled, out of a leet or body of six, selected by the
Kirk. Various caveats, or conditions, were added, to
secure the Kirk against any abuse of their powers by
these new dignitaries. They were to propound nothing
in Parliament, in name of the Kirk, vnthout its special
warrant and direction. They were, at every General
Assembly, to give an account of the manner in which
they had executed their commission ; they were to
be contented with such part of their benefices as the
King had assigned for their living ; to eschew dilapi-
dation ; to attend faithfully on their individual flocks;
to claim no higher power than the rest of their breth-
ren in matters of discipline, visitation, and other
points of ecclesiastical government ; and lastly, to be
as obedient to authority, and amenable to censure in
all Presbyteries and Provincial or General Assem-
blies, as the humblest minister of the Kirk.' As to
the names of these new dignitaries, the word Bishop
was apparently so odious and repugnant to the people
that the King did not deem it prudent to insist on
its adoption ; and the brethren unanimously advised
that they should not be called bishops, but Commis-
> Calderwood, pp. 420, 421. ' Ibid., p. 441.
1597-8. JAMES VI. 273
sioners. James was too well satisfied with the
realit J of his success in carrying his great scheme to
so prosperous an issue, to cavil at this shadow of
opposition ; and the subject was handed over to the
next (Jeneral Assembly. The feelings with which
this triumph of prelatical principles was regarded by
the sincere and stem adherents of puritanism and
parity, will be best understood by this brief extract
from the work of one of its ablest advocates, the
historian Calderwood : " Thus," says he, " the Trojan
horse, the Episcopacy, was brought in, covered with
caveats, that the danger might not be seen ; which,
notwithstanding, was seen of many, and opponed
unto ; considering it to be better to hold thieves at
the door, than to hare an eye unto them in the house
that they steal not : and, indeed, the event declared
that their fear was not without just cause: for those
Commissioners voters in Parliament, afterwards
bishops, did violate their caveats as easily as Samp-
son did the cords wherewith he was bound."^
' Calderwood, p. 441.
VOL. IX-
274 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1597-8.
CHAP. V.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1597-8—1600.
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.
England, l France. I (Tmnany. i Spain. I Portugal i Pope.
EUatbeth. Hemy IV. Rudolph U. PhiUp II. PhlUp II. demcuft VIL
I 1 I PhiUpUI. 1 PbUiplU. I
Having thus continuously traced the establishment
in Scotland of this limited Episcopacy, we must look
back for a moment on the civil history of the country.
This was not marked by any great or striking events.
There was no external war, and no internal rebellion
or commotion ; and the success which had attended
all the late measures of the King produced a tran-
quillity in the country, which had the best effects on
its general prosperity. James had triumphed over
the extreme license and democratic movements of
the Kirk ; had restrained the personal attacks of its
pulpit ; defined, with something of precision, the
limits between the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tions ; evinced an anxiety to raise the character and
usefulness of the clergy, by granting them a fixed
provision; and added consideration and dignity to
the Presbyterian polity, by giving it a representation
1597-8- JAMES VI. 275
in the great Council of the country. He had, on the
other hand, shown equal wisdom and determination
in his conduct to the Roman Catholic earls. None
could say that he had acted a lukewarm part to religion.
These nobles remained in the country, and had been
restored to their estates and honours solely because
they were reconciled to the Church. According to
the better principles of our own times, he had acted
with extraordinary severity and intolerance ; but even
the highest and hottest Puritan of these unhappy days
could not justly accuse him of indifference. He had,
moreover, strengthened his aristocracy by healing its
wounds, removing or binding up the feuds which tore
it, and restoring to it three of its greatest members,
Huntly, Angus, and Errol. He had punished, with
exemplary severity, the tumult which had been ex-
cited in his capital, and read a lesson of obedience
to the magistrates and middle orders, which they
were not likely to forget. Lastly, he had, in a per-
sonal expedition, reduced his Borders to tranquillity ;
and in his intercourse with England, had shown that,
whilst he was determined to preserve peace, he was
equally resolved to maintain his independence, and to
check that spirit of restless intrigue and interference
in which the English Ambassadors at the Scottish
Court had, for so many years, indulged with blame-
able impunity. Sir Robert Bowes, who had long
filled that difficult and dangerous office, had recently
died at Berwick, a victim apparently to its anxieties ;
and having undergone, during his devoted services,
the same trials of penury and neglect which, with
276 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1597-8-
scarcelj one exception, seem to have been the portion
of his royal mistress' Ambassadors and diplomatic
agents.^ On the 11th of May he had written to his
sovereign, imploring his recall, and lamenting that his
decay in health, and v^eakness in body and estate,
unfitted him for farther labour ; but his remonstrance
was ineffectual : and it was not till nearly six months
after, that an order arrived, permitting him to retire,
and naming Sir William Bowes as his successor.
The release, however, came too late. He was then
unable to stand from weakness ; and he only reached
Berwick to expire.^ The duties of his office, in the
meantime, devolved upon Mr George Nicolson, his
secretary, a man of ability, whose letters cont^n
much that is valuable in the history of the times.
On the arrival of Sir William Bowes at the Scot-
» Ma Letter, St. P. Off., Sir Robert Bowes to Sir R. CecU, lllh
May, 1597.
In the last letter but one which Sir Robert Bowes addressed to Ce-
cil from Edinburgh, there is this pathetic passage : — ^''Her Majesty's
gracious compassion taken of me, and of my weakness, is great
comfort unto me in my present distress, wherein I now lie, at tlie
seat of God's mercy, and at the point of life, death, sickness, or
recovery ; in which, as I shall ijue, you shall be shortly advertised.
For albeit I had intended this day to have entered my journey
towards Berwick ; yet, by the advice of my friends, and in respect
of my weakness disabling me to stand without help, I have agreed
to defer this jouroey until to-morrow." MS. Letter, St. P. Off.,
Sir R. Bowes to Sir R. Cecil, 31st October, 1597.
* His last letter is written from Berwick to Sir R. Cecil on the
6th of November, 1597. He died on the 16th of the same month.
In the St P. Office is preserved a fly-leaf, with a printed epitaph
on Sir R. Bowes, by Mr William Fowler, Secretary to Queen
Anne of Denmark.
1697-8. JAMES VI. 277
tish Court, he found the King's mind entirely occu-
pied by one great subject — his title to the English
throne after the death of the Queen. On this point
the tranquillity from other cares now gave James
full leisure for thought ; and he evinced an extreme
sensitiveness in everything connected with it. Re-
ports of speeches against his right of succession in
the English Parliament ; books written in favour of
the claim of the Infanta ; intrigues of pretenders at
home ; the jealousy with which the Catholics regarded
his reconciliation with the Kirk ; the suspicion with
which the Kirk observed his &vour to the Catholics :
all these thorny matters perpetually haunted and
harassed him. From his observations, the Ambassa-
dor dreaded that the royal mind was beginning to be
alienated from England ; and in his first interview
James certainly expressed himself with some bitter-
ness against Elizabeth. The expostulations addressed
to him by his good sister, he said, were unnecessarily
sharp. She accused him of diminished friendliness,
of foreign predilections, of credulity and forwardness ;
but he must retort these epithets, for he had found
herself too ready to believe what was untrue, and to
condemn him unheard. It was true that, when he
saw other competitors for the Crown of England en-
deavouring, in every way, to advance their own titles,
and even making personal applications to the Queen,
he had begun to think it time to look to his just
claim, and to interest his friends in his behalf. It
was with this view be had required assistance from
his people to furnish Ambassadors to various foreign
278 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1597-8.
powers. This, surely, he was entitled to do; but
anything which had been reported of him beyond
this was false : and his desire to entertain all kindly
offices with his good sister of England continued as
strong as it had been during his whole life.^ Elizar-
beth, however, was not satisfied : she still suspected
that the Scottish Court was inimical to England;
and these suspicions were increased by the letters
of Nicolson her agent. James was said to be moch
guided by the opinions of Elphinstone, Secretary of
State, who was little attached to English interests.
There was the warmest friendship between the Scot-
tish Queen, Anne of Denmark, and the Countess of
Huntly, a devoted Catholic. They often slept in
the same bed ; and this fayoured lady, as Nicolson
quaintly expressed it, had the "plurality of her
Majesty's kisses.'" The two young Princesses were
intrusted to Lady Livingston, a Catholic ; many things,
in short, concurred to show, that although appear-
ances were preserved that the King might not forfeit
his English ''gratuity," cordiality was at end. At this
moment a strange circumstance occurred, which ex-
asperated the feelings of both monarchs. A miscreant,
named Valentine Thomas, accused James of employ-
ing him in a plot against the life of Elizabeth ; and
it was at first whispered, and afterwards more plainly
asserted at the Scottish Court, that the Queen, though
she did not choose to speak openly, believed the accusa-
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Sir WiUiam Bowes to Sir R. Cecil,
1st February, 1597-8.
• MS. St. P. Off., Oecurrences, 2d February, 1597-8.
1598. JAMES VI. 279
tion. Some dark expressions which she nsed in a
letter to the King seemed to countenance this idea v
and it was certain that she had employed Sir Ed-
ward Coke, Sir Francis Bacon, and other judges, in the
investigation. James resented this, and insisted on
explanations. It was needless in him, he said, to
disclaim '' such vile intended murder ;" but he de-
maBded the fullest investigation, and the severest
punishment of the wretch who had so foully slandered
bim. He would proclaim it as false to all the world
by sound of trumpet, by open challenge, in any num-
ber; yea> of a King to a King! When his late Ambas-
sador to England attempted to pacify him, he struck
him on the breast, and said he was sure there was a chain
of Elizabeth's under his doublet. It was in vain that,
to appease him, the Queen of England wrote a letter
with her own hand, in which she assured him, that
she was not '^ of so viperous a nature" as to harbour
a thought against him ; and that the deviser of such
abominable slander should have his deserts.^ Even
this was not enough. The accusation had been pub-
lic ; the depositions of the villain remained uncan-
celled ; who could say what use might not be made
of them against his future rights, and to prejudice
him in the hearts of the English people ? Here was
the sore point ; and James did not cease to remon-
strate till he had extorted from the Queen a solemn
and formal refutation of the whole story.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 11th May, 1598, Nicolaon to Burgh-
ley. MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Royal Letten, Scotland, Elizabeth
to James, 1st July, 1598.
280 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1598.
The subject of his title, indeed, had kept the
monarch, for the last three years, in a state of per-
petual and irritable activity. He encouraged authors
to write upon the question; and jurisconsults, heralds,
and genealogists, made their harvest of his anxiety.
Monsieur Jess^,a French literary adventurer, who
in 1596 visited the Scottish Court, was made His-
toriographe au Roi d'Escosse, and commanded to
" bhw abroad'' Secretary Elphinstone's discourse on
his majesty's title. Walter Quin, an Irish poet and
scholar, drew up a work in Latin on the same sub-
ject. Monsieur Damon, another Frenchman, cor-
rected it and the King sent the manuscript to
Waldegi*ave, his printer, who, in an agony, declared
to Nicolson, that he must either print it, and irreco-
verably offend his gracious sovereign Queen Elizabeth,
or refuse, at the peril of his life. Nor was this all;
James was suddenly seized with the most sensitive
feelings on the subject of his royal mother's memory.
His claims came through her; and slander on the
Queen of Scots might taint the transmitted title.
Spenser, as it was asserted, had glanced at her under
the character of Duessa in his Fairy Queen ; and the
ScottishSecretary of State insisted that^e/t^^areif Spen-
ser, (the diplomatist did not even know the immortal
poet's name,) should be severely punished. Quin,
too, came to the rescue, and wrote an answer to
Spenser ; whilst '^ Dickson," an English pedagogue,
who taught the Art of Memory, forsook his ferula^
and found in Scotland a more profitable employment
1598. JAMES VI. 281
in answering the famous Treatise of Doleman, or
rather Father Parsons, from materials famished by
the King himself.^
These constant cares were only interrupted by
the alarming increase of witches and sorcerers,
who were said to be swarming in thousands in the
kingdom; and for a moment all other cares were for-
gotten in the intensity with which the monarch threw
himself once more into his favourite subject. But a
shocking discovery put an end to this dreadful inqui-
sition. An unhappy creature, named Aitken, was
seized on suspicion, put to torture, and in her agony
confessed herself guilty, named some associates, and
offered to purge the country of the whole crew, if
she were promised her life. It was granted her ; and
she declared that she knew witches at once by a
secret mark in their eyes, which could not possibly
be mistaken. The tale was swallowed. She was
carried for months from town to town throughout
the country, and in this diabolical circuit accused
many innocent women, who, on little more than the
evidence of a look, were tried and burnt. At last
suspicion was roused. A woman, whom she had con-
victed of having the devil's eye-mark, was di£fguised,
and, after an interval, again brought before her ; she
acquitted her. The experiment was repeated with
like success ; and the miserable creature, fistUing on
her knees, confessed that torture had made her a
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., NiooLson to Cecil, 25th Feb., 1597-8.
MS. Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, Balcarres Papers, toL vii.
pp. 26, 29, The King to the Secretary.
282 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1598.
liar, both against herself and others. This, as it
well might, brought the royal inquisitionist of sorcery,
and his civil and ecclesiastical assistants, to their
senses. The Commission of Inquiry was recalled,
and all proceedings against the witches discharged
till the Parliament should have determined the form
and evidence to be adopted in their trial.^
Everything was now tranquil in the southern part
of the kingdom ; and the whole Estate, to use Nicol-
son's expression to Cecil, so " marvellous quiet,"*
that the King had leisure to attend to an important
and long neglected subject: the condition of the
Highlands and Isles. It had, for some time, been
James' intention to visit these remote districts in
person, and, as usual, to overawe them by the tenor
of the royal name, backed by an army and a fleet ;
but year after year had passed, and nothing was done.
His impoverished finances, his quarrel with the Kirk,
his entanglements with the Papist earls, his embasaies
to foreign Courts on the subject of his title, — all these
engrossed his attention ; and the fragments of leisure
which remained were filled up by the witches, and avisit
made to Scotland by the Duke of Holstein, the brother
of his Queen, which seems to have thrown the Court
into a perpetual whirl of pageantry, intoxication, and
masquerade. The people, according to Nicolson,
groaned at the expense ; and his majesty was much
^ Spottiswood, p. 448, MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Cecil,
15th Aug., 1597. Same to same, 5th Sept., 1597.
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Sir R. Cecil, 20th Nov.,
1598.
1598. JAMES VI. 283
distempered both in his privy purse aud his digestion.^
But these revels and potatiens had at last an end. The
joyous Dane took leave ; and the royal mind, relapsing
into sobriety, turned to the Isles and Donald Gorm Mac-
donald. This potent Highland chieftain had recently
made advances to Elizabeth ; and it is not uninteresting
to remark the stateliness with which a prince amongst
the northern vikingr approached the English Semira-
mis. He styled himself Lord of the Isles of Scotland, and
Chief of the Clandonnel Irishmen ; and after a proud
enumeration of the petty island princes and chiefs
who were ready to follow him in all his enterprises, he
offered, upon certain '^ reasonable motives and consid-
erations,'' to embrace the service of the Queen of Eng-
land, and persuade the Isles to throw off all alle-
giance to the Scottish Crown. He aud his associates
were ready, they declared, on a brief warning, to stir
up rebellion throughout all the bounds of the main-
land, to ^'fasche''^ his majesty, and weary the whole
Estates ; to create a necessity for new taxation, and
thus disgust all classes of his subjects. To induce
Elizabeth to embrace these proposals, Donald in-
formed the Queen, that he knew the secret history
of the Scottish King's intercourse with her arch-
rebel Tyrone, and could lay before her the whole
intrigues of the Catholic earls lately reconciled
to the Kirk, but '' meaning nothing less in their
hearts than that which they showed outwardly to
the world." He would disclose, also, he said, the
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 9th June, 1598.
' Trouble.
284 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 159S.
secret history of the Spanish practices in Scot-
land; and prove with what activity the northern
Jesuits and seminary priests had been weaving their
meshes, and pushing forward '' their diabolical, pesti-
ferous, and antichristian courses ;" which he, Donald
Gorm Macdonald, protested before God and his
angels he detested with his whole soul. All this he
was ready to do, upon *'good deservings, and honest
courtesies,'* to be oflFered him by the Queen of Eng-
land ; to whose presence he promised to repair upon
a moment's warning.^
What answer was given by the English Queen to
these generous and disinterested proposals does not ap-
pear ; although the letter of Donald Gorm, who made
it, is marked in many places by Burghley with the trem-
bling hand of sickness and old age. It is probable,
that under the term ^^ honest courtesies^'' more sub-
stantial rewards were found to be meant than
Elizabeth was willing to bestow ; and that the per-
petual feuds, massacres, and conspiracies which
occurred amongst thes^ Highland chiefs and their
followers, disgusted this Princess, and shook her con-
fidence in any treaties or alliances proposed by such
savage auxiliaries. It was in one of these barbar-
ous plots that Maclean of Duart, a firm friend of
Elizabeth, with whose warlike exploits we are al-
ready acquainted, met his death ;^ being treacher-
1 MS. St. P. Off., indorsed by Bnrghley " Donald Gome
Macdonald," March, 1598.
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicokon to Sir B. Cecil, lOth Aug.,
1508. Supra, p. 170.
l.i>98. JAMES VI. 285
ously slain in Isla, by his nephew, Sir James Mac-
donald, who persuaded him to visit the island ;
alleging, as a pretext, his desire to make an ami-
cable settlement of their differences. So little
did the brave Lord of Duart suspect any foul
play, that he came to the meeting without ar-
mour, in a silk dress, and with only a rapier at his
side. Along with him were his second son, and the
best of his kin, in their holiday garb, and with little
otber arms than their hunting-knives and boar-spears:
bat although set upon by an ambush of nearly seven
hundred men, they made a desperate defence. Mac-
lean, a man of herculean strength, slew three of the
Macdonalds at the first onset. When he saw there
was no hope, he commanded his son, who fought be-
side him, to fiy, and live to avenge him;^ but the
chief himself, and a little knot of his clansmen, stood,
shoulder to shoulder, and were not cut down till
after fifty of their assailants had fallen.
The death of this great chief was little resented
by the King : for James had long been jealous of his
dealings with Elizabeth, and his bitter hostility to
Huntly; whilst, at this moment, Sir James Mac-
donald of Dunluce, his murderer, was in high favour
at the Scottish Court.' This Macdonald, known
in Irish history as James Macsorlie, had been long
a thorn in the side of England, stirring up rebellion
in Ireland, and offering his services to James as an
' The present Earl Compton, eldest son of the Marquess North-
ampton, is descended, through his mother the late amiable and ac-
complished Lady Compton, from this second son.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 10th Aug., 1598.
286 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1598.
active partisan both in Spanish and Scottish affairs.
Macsorlie se^ms to have been a perfect specimen of
those Scoto-Hebridean barons who so often concealed
theferocityoftheHighland freebooter under the polish-
ed exterior which they had acquired by an occasional
residence in the low country. It was his pleasure
sometimes to join the Court at Falkland or Holyrood,
mingle in its festivities, give rich presents to the
Queen and her ladies, outshine the gayest, and fasci-
nate all observers by the splendour of his tastes and
the elegance of his manners ; ^ but suddenly would
comeamessagefrom some Highland ally, and Macsorlie
flew back to his native islands, where, the moment his
foot touched the heather, the gay courtier became a
rampant and blood-bolstered savage. Macsorlie had,
for years, been the ally of Tyrone, and the soul of the
resistance in Ireland ; and Elizabeth resented the fa-
vour shown him by James; who replied, " That if his
convicted traitors, Bothwell and Colvil, walked the
streets of her capital, he was as free to entertain an
island chief who owed her no allegiance, and whose
assistance was useful to him in reducing the remote
Highland districts which had insolently assumed
independence." ^
So dreadful, indeed, was now the state of those
portions of his dominions, that, to prevent an utter
dissevering from the Scottish Crown, something
must be done; and many were the projects sug-
gested. At one time the King resolved to proceed
1 Analecta Scotica, p. 105, Sir John Skene to the Lord Secretary.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, leth August, 1598.
1598. JAMES VI. 287
to the disturbed districts in person, and fix his
head-quarters in Kentire ; at another, a Deputy was
to be Bent, armed with regal powers; and twice
the Duke of Lennox was nominated to this arduous
office.^ The old plan, too, might have been repeated,
of granting a royal Commission to one or other of
the northern Regidi, who were ever prepared, under
the plea of loyalty, to strengthen their own hands,
and exterminate their brethren ; but this, as had been
often felt before, was to abandon the country to utter
devastation ; and a more pacific and singular policy
was now adopted. An association of Lowland ba-
rons, chiefly from Fife, took a lease from the Crown
of the Isle of Lewis, for which they agreed, after
seven years' possession, to give the King an annual
rent of one hundred and forty chalders of victual, and
came under an obligation to conquer their farm at
their own charges. Another company of noblemen
and gentlemen in Lothian offered, under a similar
agreement, to subdue Skye. And this kind of feudal
joint-stock company actually commenced their oper-
ations with a force of six hundred soldiers, and a
motley multitude of farmers, ploughmen, artificers^
and pedlers. ^ But the Celtic population and their
haughty chiefs, could not consent to be handed over,
in this wholesale fashion, to the tender mercies and
agricultural lectures of a set of Saxon adventurers.
The Lowland barons arrived, only to be attacked
with the utmost fury, and to have the leases of their
farms, in the old Douglas phrase, written on their
' Gregory, pp. 267, 283.
288 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1698.
own skins with steel pens and bloody ink. For a
time,- however, they continued the struggle ; and hav-
ing entered into alliance with some of the native
chiefe, fought the Celts with their own weapons, and
more than their own ferocity. Instead of agricultu-
ral or pastoral produce, importations of wool, or
samples of grain, from the infant colony, there was
sent to the Scottish Court a ghastly cargo of twelve
human heads in sacks ; and it was hoped that, after
such an example of severity, matters might sncceed
better. But the settlers were deceived. After a
feeble and protracted struggle of a few years, sickness
and famine, perils by land, and perils by water, inces-
sant war, and frequent assassinations, destroyed the co-
lony ; and the three great northern chiefs, Macdonald
of Sleat, Macleod of Harris, and Mackenzie of Kin-
tail, enjoyed the delight of seeing the principal gen-
tlemen adventurers made captive by Tormod Mac-
leod ; who, after extorting from them a renunciation
of their titles, and an oath never to return to the
Lewis, dismissed them to carry to the Scottish Court
the melancholy reflection, that a Celtic population,
and the islands over which it was scattered, were
not yet the materials or the field for the operations
of the economists of Fife and Mid-Lothian.^
The King's recent triumph over the ministers ; the
vigour with which he had brought the bishops into
Parliament, and compelled his nobles to renounce
their blood-feuds ; seem to have persuaded him that
* Gregory, p. 290-299. MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicoleon to
Cecil, l8t July, 1598.
. ^
1598.9- JAMES vr. 2S9
his will and prerogative were to bear down all before
him ; but a slight circumstance now occurred which,
had he been accustomed to watch such political in-
dications, might have been full of warning and in-
straction. The magistrates of Edinburgh had arrested
an offender : he was rescued by one of the servants
of the King. The magistrates prosecuted the rescuer,
and compelled him to give assurance that he would
deliver the original culprit ; but the courtier failed hi
his promise, and the civic authorities seized him and
sent him to prison. An outcry arose. It was deemed
di^raceful that an officer of the royal household, a
gentleman responsible solely to the King, should be
clapt up in jail by a set of burghers and bailies.
James interfered, and commanded his servant to be
set free ; but the bailies refused. The monarch sent
a more angry message ; it was met by a still firmer
reply : the Provost and magistrates declared that
they were ready to resign their offices into the King's
hands; as long, however, as they kept them, they
would do their duty. James was much enraged, but
cooled and digested the affront.^
Within a fortnight after, however, arose a more
serious dispute between the Crown and the Court of
Session, the Supreme Court of Judicature, in which
its President, Sir Alexander Seton, and the majority
of the judges, • exhibited a spirit of independence
which is well worthy of being recorded. The subject
of quai^el was a judgment pronounced by the Court
in favour of the celebrated minister of the Kirk, Mr
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 27tli Fph., 151)8-1).
VOL. IX. U
5J90 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1598-9,
Robert Bruce, who had been deprived of his stipend
by the King. Bruce sued the Grown before the
Session, and obtained a decision in his favour. The
monarch appealed; came to the Court in person;
pleaded his own cause with the utmost violence, and
commanded the judges to give their vote against Mr
Robert. The President Seton then rose : •* My liege,"
said he, *' it id my part to speak first in this Court, of
which your Highness has made me head. You axe
our King ; we, your subjects, bound aiid ready to obey
you from the heart, and, with all devotion, to serve
you with our lives and substance : but this is a matter
of law, in which we are sworn to do justice accord-
ing to our conscience and the statutes of the realm.
Your Majesty may, indeed, command us to the con*
trary ; in which case I and every honest man on this
bench will either vote according to conscience, or
resign and not vote at all." Another of the judges,
Lord Newbattle, then rose, and observed, "That
it had been spoken in the city, to his Majesty's
great slander, and theirs who were his judges, that
they dared not do justice to all classes, but were
compelled to vote as the King commanded : a foul
imputation, to which the lie that day should be given ;
for they would now deliver a unanimous opinion
against the Crown." t^or this brave and dignified
conduct James Was unprepared; and he proceeded to
reason long and earnestly with the recusants : but
persuasions, arguments, taunts, and threats, were
unavailing. The judges, with only two dissentient
votes, pronounced their decision in favour of Mr
./"
1598-9. JAMES VI. 291
Robert Bruce ; and the mortified monarch flung out
of Court, as a letter of the day informs us, muttering
revenge, and raging marvellously.^ When the subser-
vient temper of these times is considered, and we
remember that Seton, the President, was a Roman
Catholic, whilst Bruce, in whose favour he and his
brethren decided, was a chief leader of the Presbyte-
rian ministers, it would be unjust towithholdour admir-
ation from a judge and a court which had the cour-
age thus fearlessly to assert the supremacy of the law.
It was during the course of this year, that the
Queen of England lost Lord Burghley, who died on
the 4th of August, 1598, in his seventy-eighth year;
a long tried and affectionate servant to his royal mis-
tress ; but of whom, however high his character as an
English statesman, no Scottish historian can speak
vnthout censure. He had been for nearly forty years
the ahnost exclusive adviser of the English Queen in
her Scottish affairs. It was chiefly his advice and
exertions that brought the unhappy Mary to the
scaffold; and in his policy towards Scotland, he
seems almost invariably to have acted upon the prin-
ciple, that to foster civil dissension in that kingdom,
was to give additional strength and security to Eng-
land. Happily, the time has come when we may
pronounce this maxim as unsound as it is dishonest ;
but, in those days, craft was mistaken for political
wisdom : and Sir Robert Cecil, Lord Burghley's se^
cond son, who now succeeded to his father's power, had
been educated in the same narrow school.
' MS, Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, leth March, 1598-0.
;
202 HISTORV OF SCOTLAXD. 1590.
This able man, who filled the office of Secre-
tary of State to Elizabeth, had, as we have seen, for
some years taken the chief management of Scottish
aflau» ; and, soon after his father's death, he became
deeply alarmed for the orthodoxy of James and his
Queen ; suspecting them, as appears by a paper in his
own hand, of growing every day more devoted in
their afiection to the Pope/ That these were ideal
terrors of the English Secretary, the result plainly
ehowed: but the true key to this apparent Papal
predilection, was James' extreme poverty ; the rigid
economy of Elizabeth, who refused to supply his
wants ; and a hope entertained by the Scottish King,
that if he exhibited a disposition to relax in the rigi-
dity of his Protestant principles, and to maintain an
amicable intercourse with the Catholics, his exhausted
exchequer might be recruited by a supply of Roman
and Spanish gold. But Cecil, although he allowed
some weight to this, thought it too slight a cause to
account for the strong symptoms of declension from
the reformed opinions exhibited both by the Kintx
and his councillors, and advised his royal mistress
instantly to despatch Sir William Bowes into Scot-
land, whose veteran experience in Scottish politics
might, he hoped, bring about a reaction. Want of
money might, as Cecil contended, explain somewhat of
James' late coldness ; but there must be deeper agen-
cies and convictions producing the strange ;appear-
' MS. St. P. Off., Memorial of the present 4state of Scotlaiul,
1308. Id. Ibid., Nicol60^ to Cecil, Htli April, 1 jUD.
1599: JAMES VI. 298
ances now exhibited by a country which hiad, within
these few years, stood in the van of Protestant king-
doms ; which had been the stronghold of Presbyterian
purity. It was noted too by Cecil, that Elphinstone,
James' principal Secretary of State, was a Catholic ;
that Seton, the President of the Session, was a Ca-
tholic ; that Lord Livingston, the governor of the
yomig princesses, was a Catholic ; and that Huntly^
who, notwithstanding his recent recantation, was
strongly suspected of a secret attachment to his au^
eient faith, possessed the highest influence over the
King.^ Then, James' late embassies to Catholic
princes; the favour shown to Gordon the Jeduit;
his secret encouragement of Tyrone, the great enemy
of England; a late mission of Colonel Semple to
Spain ; his animosity to the ministers of the Kirk ;
his introduction of bishops; his correspondence with
the Duchess of Feria^ and other Catholics; and even
his speeches in the open Convention of his three
Estates, were all quoted, and not without good rea-
son, as strong proofs of his defection.
The necessities to which the King had reduced
himfielf by his too lavish gifts to his favourites, and
the thoughtless extravagance of his household, were
indeed deplorable, and produced repeated remonstran-
ces from hisTreasurer,Comptroller,and other financial
officers. Money, they said, in a homely and passion-
ate memorial, was required for the '' entertainment
of the King's bairns, gotten and to be begotten ;" for
the renewing of his Majesty's whole moveables and
' lis. St. P. Off,, ^leraorial of the present state of Scotland,
294 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1590.
silver work, all worn and consumed ; for the repair
and fortifloation of his castles of Edinburgh, Dmn-
barton, and Blackness; for the keeping up of his
palaces, of which Holyrood and Linlithgow were in
shameful decay, and in some parts wholly ruinous.
Money was required in all departments of the service
of the State, and in all districts ; without the king-
dom and within it ; in the south and in the north.
There were no ftmds to pay the resident in England ;
no fiinds to procure secret intelligence ; none to sup-
port the public officers at home ; none to furnish the
Wardens of the West Marches ; none to fit out a
lieutenant for the expedition against the Western
Isles, where the rebels had taken Dunyveg, and were
in great strength.^ It was in vain for James to look
to England. Elizabeth replied by sending him a list
of her gratuities, which proved that, from 1592 to
1599, she had given him twenty-six thousand pounds.'
At Court, the want of money produced strange scenes ;
and the high offices of State, instead of being sought
after as objects of ambition, were shunned as thank-
less and ruinous to their possessors. The great office
of Lord High Treasurer was going a-begging. Blan-
tyre declared he could hold it no longer. Cassillis, a
young nobleman who had recently married the rich
widow of the Chancellor Thirlstane, a lady who might
have been his mother, was prevailed on to accept it ;
and had taken the oaths, when the gossip of the
Court brought to his ears an ondnous speech of the
J MS. St. P. Off., The King's Extraordinary Charges.
^ MS. St. P. Off., Her Majesty's Gratuities to the King of Scots.
1590. JAMES VT. 2ftS
King, who had been heard to say, that Lady Cassillis'
purse should now he opened for her rose nobles.
This alarmed the incipient Treasurer into a prompt
resignation ; but James stormed, ordered his arrest,
seized his and his wife's houses, and compelled him
to purchase his pardon by a heavy fine.^ In the end
the dangerous gift was accepted by the Master of
Elphinstone, brother of the Secretary of State, '' a
wise, stout man," as Nicolson characterizes him ; yet
all his wisdom and fimmess were unequal to the task
of recruiting the public purse; and so utterly im-
poverished did he find it, that the expenses of the
baptism of the young Princess Margaret, which took
plaee at this time, were defrayed out of the private
pockets of the Lords of the Bed-chamber.^
On Sir William Bowes' arrival in Edinburgh, early
in May 1599, he found the ministers of the Kirk in
high ¥n*ath against the King, and full of the most
gloomy views as to the state of the country. James
had been recently employing his leisure hours in
writing his celebrated Treatise on Government, the
Basilicon Doron, which he had addressed to his son
the Prince of Wales; and having employed Sir
James Sempil, one of his gentlemen, to make a tran-
script, the work Mras imprudently shown by him to
Andrew Melvil ; who took offence at some passages,
^ MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolaon to Ceeil, 10th April, 1599.
Id. Ibid., same to same, Uth April, 1599. Id. Ibid., same to
some, 9th June, 1599. Spottiswood, p. 454.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 20th April, 1599.
Id. Ibid., same to same, 10th April, 1599.
296 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 159fr.
made copies of them, and laying them, without men-
tioning any names, before the Presbytery of St An-
drews, accused the anonymous author of having bitterly
defamed the Kirk. What the exact passages were
which Melvil had transcribed does not appear ; but it
is certain that the book contained an attack upon the
Presbyterian form of Church Govemment, and that
the Prince was instructed to hold none for his friends
but such as had been faithful to the late Queen of
Scots. It was very clear, (so the ministers argued,)
that no person entertaining such sentiments as were
openly expressed in this work, could endure for any long
time the wholesome discipline of the Kirk ; and that
the severe and sweeping censure pronounced upon the
Scottish Reformation as the offspring of popular
tumult and rebellion, very plainly indicated the
author's leaning to Prelacy and Popery. What was
to be expected, said they, from a writer who described
the leaders of that glorious work as '' fiery and sedi-
tious spirits, who delighted to rule as Tribuni plebis"";
and having found the gust of Government sweet, had
brought about the wreck of two Queens ; and during
a long minority had invariably placed themselves at
the head of every faction which weakened and dis-
tracted the country ? What wa« to be hoped for if
those men, who had been ever the champions of the
truth, were to be held up to scorn and avoidance in
terms like the following : " Take heed, therefore, my
son, to such Puritans, very pests in the Church and
commonweal, whom no deserts can oblige, neither
oaths nor promises bind; breathing nothing but
1599. JAMES VI. 297
sedition and calumnies, aspiring without measure,
railing without reason ; and making their own ima-
ginations (without any warrant of the Word) the
square of their conscience. I protest before the Great
God, — ^and since I am here as npon my testament it is
no place for me to lie in, — ^that ye shall never find with
any Highland or Border thieves greater ingratitude,
and more lies, and vil6 perjuries, than with these
fanatic spirits."
When the royal Commissioners, Sir Patrick Mur-
ray and Sir James Sandilands, attempted to discover
the means by which these obnoxious sentences had been
presented to the Synod of St Andrews, they were
utterly foiled in the attempt ; but the offence was at
last traced to an obscure minister at Anstruther,
named Dykes ; who fled, and was denounced rebel.
The rumour had now flown through the country that
James was the author of the passages, and had given
instructions to the Prince, which showed an inveter-
ate enmity to the Kirk ; and it was thought that the
publication of the whole work would be the likeliest
means to silence the clamour. The book accordingly
made its appearance; and in Archbishop Spottiswood's
opinion,^ did more for James' title, by the admiration
it raised in England for the piety and wisdom of the
royal author, than all the Discourses on the Succes-
sion which were published at this time. In Scotland
the eflect, if we believe Sir William Bowes, was the
very opposite. It was received by the ministers with
a paroxysm of indignation ; and soon after the arrival
' Spottiswood, p. 45G.
298 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1590.
of the English Ambassador, the whole Kirk agreed to
proclaim a general Fast, to avert, by prayer and humili-
ation, the judgments so likely to &11 on an apostate
King and a miserable country. For two entire days
the Fast was rigidly observed ; and Bowes declared,
in his letter to Cecil, that in all his life he had never
been witness to a more holy or powerful practice oi
religion.^ From the pulpit the ministers proclaimed
to the people the chief causes for their call to mourn-
ing. A general coldness in God's service had seized,
they said, on all ranks ; the enemies of the Gospel,
who in purer days had been driven into banishment,
were now everywhere returning ; and almost a third
of the reakn was deprived of every means for the
teaching of the people. The King himself had be-
come the defamer of the Kirk; his children were
brought up by an excommunicated Papist ; and the
young nobility, the hopes of the country, went abroad
meanly instructed, and returned either Atheists or
Catholics."
A singular event occurred at this time, which led
to the recall of Bowes the English Ambassador, and
gave high umbrage to the Scottish King. An Eng-
lish gentleman, named Ashfield,^ had lately come
from Berwick, on a visit to the Scottish Court, who,
as there is strong reason to believe, was one of those
confidential agents whom James had employed in
England to give him secret advice and information
on the subject of his succession to the English throne,
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Cecil, 25th June, 15.99.
s Id. Ibid. 3 Afterwards Sir Edmund Ashfield.
1599. .TAMES VI. 299
after the death of the Queen. Lord Wylloughby,
the Governor of Berwick, had himself recommended
Ashfield to James' notice ; but he had scarcely taken
his leave, when Wylloughby discovered that he was
a suspicious character, and might do much mischief in
Scotland. His alarm became still greater, when he
found the attention shown to Ashfield by James ; his
intimacy with the Catholic party at Court, then in
great favour with the King; and the strong suspicion
of Bowes the Ambassador, that some treachery
against England was contemplated. It was deter-
mined to destroy it in the bud, by kidnapping the
principal party ; and John Guevara, Deputy-warden
of the East Marches, Wylloughby's cousin, under-
took the commission. Repairing, with only three
assistants, to Edinburgh, it was concerted with
Bowes, that the Ambassador's coach should be wait-
ing on Leith sands, and that Ashfield, under pre-
tence of taking a pleasure drive, should be inveigled
into it, and carried off. All succeeded to a wish.
Ashfield, as he took his exercise on the sands with
some gentlemen, amongst whom were young Ferny-
hirst, Sir Robert Melvil, and Bowes, was met by
Guevara and his companions, and easily persuaded,
" under colour of old friendship and good fellowship,"*
to join in a wine party ; at which, becoming some-
what merry and confused, he readily fell into the
trap, entered the coach, and instead of being driven
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., Lord Wyllonghby to Cecil,
15th June, 1599. See, also, B.C., "Wylloughby to Cecil, 13th
June, 1599.
\
\
300 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1 599.
back to Edinburgh, found himself, to his utter con-
fusion, conveyed rapidly to Berwick, and placed un-
der sudden restraint by Lord Wylloughby. Next
morning, Wainman, another of the Governor's ser-
vants, arrived with Ashfield's papers, which he and
Bowes had seized, and brought intelligence that the
Scottish King was in the greatest rage at the indig-
nity offered him ; and that the people had surrounded
Sir William Bowes' lodging, and threatened his life.
It had been discovered that the gentlemen who kid-
napped Ashfield were in Wylloughby's service, that the
coach belonged to the English Ambassador, and that
some intoxicating potion had been put in his wine.
James wrote a severe and dignified remonstrance to
Wylloughby, in which he demanded to know whether
this outrage had been committed under any warrant
or order from the English Queen ;^ assuring him that it
was a matter which, without speedy reparation, he
would not pass over. To this Wylloughby boldly re-
plied, that what had been done was not in conse-
quence of any warrant from the Queen, but in the
discharge of his own public duty ;^ whilst Sir Wil-
liam Bowes, who had concerted the whole, when
challenged on the subject, made no scruple of as-
serting, that he had not only no hand in the busi-
ness, but was utterly ignorant of all about it.^ So
» St. P. Off., B.C., James VI. to Lord Wylloughby, 14th Jane,
159.9.
« MS. St. P. Off., B.C., Lord Wylloughby to James, original
draft, 15th June, 1599.
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., Wylloughby to Cecil, 15th June,
1599. Abo, MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Bowes to Cecil, IGth June
1500. jxUiES VI. 301
true was Sir Henry Wotton's well-kuown pun on the
oharacter of ambasBadors of these days. James' dis-
isatisfaction, however, was so great, and the coldness
Hnd distance with which he treated Bowes made his
place so irksome, that Elizabeth soon afterwards
recalled him.^
The arrival of a French Ambassador at this crisis,
increased the dissatisfaction of the English Queen
and the ministers of the Kirk; who suspected that his
mission, although kept secret, was connected with
James' intrigues with the Catholics abroad. He was a
gentleman of the house of Bethune, a younger brother
of the great Sully, and much caressed at the Scottish
Court : but what especially alarmed the Kirk, was
his having brought a Jesuit along with him, who was
frequently closeted with the King; whilst the openness
with which Sully was allowed the exercise of his re-
ligion, caused the brethren to sigh over the contrast
of the present cold and liberal times, with the happy
days when it was death to set up the Mass in Scotland.
Scarcely had these feelings subsided, and the ministers
1 .y.)0. — Bowes' activity and connivance is completely proved by
Lo rd Wylloughby's letter of the 1 5tli June, to Cecil, lie there eay f :
— ''^ I sent some to £dinbnrgli, with instructions for his reducing.
They made divers overtures to my J^rd Ambassador, Qtbis was
Bowes.^ It pleased him to accept of one, which was to draw him
to Leith ; there, under colour of a dissolute kindness and good
fellowship, to make him merry with wine ; then to persuade him
to ride home in a coach, sent out of purpose therein to suiprieo
him, and bring him away ; which, as it pleased God, had very
good success." The coach was Bowes*.
» MS, Letter, St. P. Ofl'., B.C., Bowes to Cecil, Uth July,
302 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1699.
begun to congratulate themBelves on the prospect of
the speedy departure of Bethune» when their wrath
was rekindled by the arrival of Fletcher and Martin,
with their company of Comedians; whom James, who
delighted in the theatre, had sent for from England.
To the strict notions of these divines, pro&ne plajs,
and the licentious mummeries of the stage, were
almost as detestable as the Mass itself. The one
was idolatry — ^the worship of Baal, or the golden
calf; the other was profanity — ^the dancing of Hero-
dias' daughter : and as this had led to Herod's raah
oath, and the decapitation of the Baptist, so did
these English buffoons recall to their mind the miser-
able times of the Guisean domination, when the Court
was full of revelry and masquerade, and the blood of
the saints was shed like water. It was no wonder
that, with such feelings, the arrival of this gay troop
of players was received with a storm of ecclesiastical
wrath, for which the gentlemen of the buskin were
little prepared; and their case appeared desperate,
when the magistrates of the capital, acting under the
influence of the Kirk, prohibited the inhabitants, by
a public act, from haunting the theatre. But James
was not so easily defeated. Fletcher had been an
old favourite ; nor was this his first visit to Scotland.
He had been there before, in 1594; and on his return
to England, had suffered some persecution from his
popularity with James ; who now called the Provost
and his counsellors before him, compelled them to
rescind their act, and proclaimed, by sound of trum-
pet, not only that the comedians should continue
1599. JAMES VL 803
their entertainments, but insisted that, next Sunday,
the ministers should inform their flocks that no re-
straint or censure should be incurred by any of his
good subjects who chose to recreate themselves by
'' the said comedies and plays." '^ Considering," so
runs the royal act, '' that we are not of purpose, nor
intention, to authorize or command anything quhilk^
is profane, or may carry any offence."'
The King's mind had long run intently on the subject
of the succession; and he nowadopted a measure which,
so far as Elizabeth was concerned, was calculated
rather to injure than advance his title. A general
Band or Contract was drawn up, ** purporting to be
made by the good subjects of the King's Majesty, for
the preservation of his person and the pursuit of his
undoubted right to the crown of England and Ire-
land."* The whole matter, during its preparation, was
kept secret, and James trusted that no whisper would
reach the ears of his good sister Elizabeth. But he was
disappointed ; for Nicolson, on the 27th November,
1599, thus mentioned it to Cecil. " I hear, which I
beseech your honour to keep close, that there is a
general Band, subscribed by many, and to be sub-
scribed by all earls, lords, and barons; binding them,
by solemn vow and oath, to serve the King with their
lives, friends, heritages, goods, and gear ; and to be
ready, in warlike furniture, for the same on all occa-
' Qnhilk; which.
* MS. Letter, St . P. Off., 1 2th November, 1599, Nicolson to Cecil.
' MS. St. P. Off., A general Band, voluntarily made by the
good sabjects of the King's Majesty, &c.
304 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1599.
sions, but especially for his claim to England."^ The
English Envoy then mentioned, that on the 10th of
the succeeding month of December, there was to be
held a full Convention of the Estates, in which some
solid course was to be adopted to supply the King
with money, and provide for the arming of his subjects,
to be ready when he might need them. But when the
Estates assembled, the result did not justify expec-
tations. The Convention, indeed, was fully attended
and sufficiently loyal in its general feeling; yet when
the monarch explained his ws^nts, and sought their
advice and ^^sistance, they heard him coldly, and
delayed their answer till the next meeting of the
Estates. In his harangue, James declared his dis-
like to any offensive scheme of taxation ; proposing,
in its place, that a certain sum should be levied on
every head of cattle and sheep, throughout the coun-
try; but this was utterly refused. He forbore,
therefore, to press the point, and contented himself
with an appeal to them for that support which all
good subjects should give their prince for the vindi-
cation of his lawful claims. He was not certain, he
3aid, how soon he should have occasion to use arms ;
but whenever it should be, he knew his Right, and
would venture crown and all for it. Let them take
care, therefore, that the country be furnished with
aiinour according to the acts made two years before.^
This was cheerfully agreed to; and meanwhile the
King, whose financial ingenuity seems to have been
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 27th Nov., 1599, Nicolson to Cecil.
•^ 3IS. Letter, St. P. OB'., loth Dec., 1599, NicoUon to Cecil.
1599. JAMES VI. 305
vvhetted by the gloomy prospect of an empty Ex-
chequer at the time money was becoming every day
more needed, drew up another scheme which was
submitted to his Estates with as little success as the
former. Its object was excellent : being to remove
the burden of supplies from the poor commons and
labourers of the ground; for which purpose he pro-
posed, that the whole country should be " disposed,
as it were, into one thousand persons, and each person
to pay a particular sum;" which, all being joined, would
make up a total equal to his majesty's necessities.
Against this plan, which had, at least, the merit
of simplicity, a formal Protest was presented by
the barons and burghs. The Laird of Wemyss in
the name of the barons, and John Robertson for
the burghs, insisted that they should be specially
excepted from any commission given to the Sheriffs,
for the levying such a sum, and should continue to
"stint [tax] themselves in auld manner;" but as the
proposal was hypothetical, and came before the Es-
tates merely as an overture, it was judged enough
to meet it by delay ; and so anxious was the King
to spare his people, and fall in with the wishes of
all, that he not only agreed to except the barons
and burghs, but to drop the whole scheme if any
better should be proposed at the next Convention,
which was fixed to be held at Edinburgh, on the
20th of June.^ It was happy that all ended so ami-
cably; for at the beginning of the Convention he had
» MS. St. P. Off., Copy of the Act of the Convention at St
Johnston.
VOL. IX. X
306 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1599.
exerted himself to carry his purpose by means which
were violent and unconstitutional. " To effect this,"
said Nicolson, in writing to Cecil, " the King drew
in the whole Borders, the officers of Estate, Sir
Robert Ker, Sir Robert Melvil, and others, contrary
to the order there appointed, of six only of every
Estate to have voted for the rest.'*
It was during this Convention held at Edinburgh
in December, that the King, with advice of his Secret
Council, passed an important act, appointing, in all
time coming, the " first day of the year to begin upon
the first of January ;'' and this statute, it was added,
should take effect upon the first day of January next
to come, which shall be the first day of January,
1600.^ Previous to this time the Scottish year had
begun on the 25th of March ; and it is worthy of
observation that this still continued the mode of
reckoning in England.^
» MS. St. P. Off., Act for the year of God to begin the 1st of
January, yearly.
* Sir H. NicoWs excellent work on the Chronology of History,
p. 41.
1600. JAMES VI. 307
CHAP. VI.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1600.
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES,
F:t%^jUtntL I France, i Oernumif. | 5jmb«ii. i PorlkgaA | Pope.
KJixabeUi. I UcnrylV. | Rudolph II. I Phflipin. | PUUp-IIl. | Clamant Vni:.
In the course of these labours we are now arrived at
an extraordinary plot, of which the history, after all
the light shed upon it by recent research, is still, in
some points, obscure and contradictory. This is the
Gowrie Conspiracy. Its author, or, as some have not
scrupled to assert, its victim, was the grandson of
that Patrick Lord Ruthven, who, as we hate seen,
acted a chief part in the atrocious murder of Riccio,
and died in exile soon after that event.^ It was the
second son of this nobleman, William, fourth Lord
Ruthven, who, after sharing the guilt and banishment
of his father for his accession to the same plot, was
restored by the Regent Morton, and returned to Scot-
land to engage in new conspiracies. It was his threats,
and the menaces of the fierce Lindsay, that were said
to have extorted from the miserable captive of Loch-
leven the demission of her crown. His serrices were
' Supra, vol. ril. p. 85.
308 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
rewarded by an earldom ; and from the fertile brain
and unscrupulous principles of the new earl proceeded
the plot for the seizure of the King, known by the
name of the Raid of Ruthven. He was pardoned :
became again suspected ; threw himself into another
enterprise against the Government, with Mar and
Angus ; was detected, found guilty, and suffered on
the scaffold. Of his treason there was no doubt;
but his conviction, as we have seen,^ was procured by
a disgraceful expedient, which roused the utmost in-
dignation of his friends. This happened in 1584;
and, for two years after, the imperious government
of Arran directed, or rather compelled, the royal
wrath into the severest measures against the bouse
of Ruthven. But the destruction of Arran's power
permitted the King's temper, generally gentle and for-
giving, to have influence ; and, in 1586, the earldom
was restored to James, the eldest son of the house,
who, dying soon after, transmitted it to John, the third
earl, the author of the Gowrie Conspiracy.
Young Gowrie, at the time of his father's execu-
tion, could have been scarcely eight years' old ;* and
in the wreck of his house, he, his unhappy mother,
and her other children, received an asylum in the
North. Here, amidst the savage solitudes of Athol,
the country of her son-in-law,^ the widowed Coun-
tess brought up her children, brooded over her
wrongs, and taught her sons the story of their fiither's
^ Supra, vol. viii. p. 192.
« MS. St. P. OflF., List of the Scottish Nobility, 1592. In 1592
Gowrie was fifteen years old.
' The Earl of Athol had married the sister of Gowrie, MS. St.
P. Off.
1600. JAMES VI. 309
murder, as his execution was accounted by his party.
From such lessons, they seem early to have drunk in
that deep passion for revenge, which, in those dark
days, was so universally felt, that it may be regarded
almost as the pulse of feudal life ; a passion which,
sometimes at a quicker, sometimes at a slower pace,
but yet with strong and abiding force, carried on its
victims to the consummation of their purpose. Mean-
while the royal pity had awoke : the family was re-
stored to its honours ; and the young earl, having been
committed to the care of RoUock the learned Principal
of the University of Edinburgh, received an excellent
education. But the return for all this, on the part
both of his mother and himself, was ingratitude and
new intrigues. When, in 1593, Both well at Holy-
rood audaciously broke in upon his sovereign, and
for a short season obtained possession of his person,
it was the Countesses of Cowrie and Athol, the
mother and sister of Gowrie, who were his ipost
active assistants ; and in 1594, when the same des-
perate baron, in conjunction with Athol, Ochiltree,
and the Kirk, organized a second plot, the name of
the young Earl of Gowrie appeared in the "jB^nrf"
which united the conspirators.^ He was thus early
bred up in intrigue ; but the King either did not, or
would not, discover his guilt : and Gowrie, having
received the royal license to complete his education
abroad,^ passed through England into Italy, studied for
five years at the University of Padua, and there is said
> See above p. 102, and St. P. Off. MS., Scott. Corr., April,
15H. Band for Protection of Religion, MS.
- MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 22d August, 1594, Sir R. Bowes to
Burghley.
310 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
to have so highly disfcingaished himself, that he became
Rector of that famous seminary.^ The jonng earl was
now only one-and-twenty ;* of an athletic person, and
noble presence ; excellent in all his exercises ; an ac-
complished swordsman; andso ripe a scholar, that there
waa scarcely any art or faculty which he had not mas-
tered. Amongst his studies Necromancy, or Natural
Magic, was a feiYOurite pursuit ; and his tutor, Rhynd,
detected him, when at Padua, wearing cabalistic
characters concealed upon his person, which were
then sometimes used as spells against diabolic, or
recipients of angelic influence.^ He was an enthusi-
astic chemist ; and, in common with many eminent
men of that age, a dabbler in judicial astrology, and
a believer in the great arcanum. It is curious that
this propensity to magic and visionary pursuits was
hereditary in the Ruthven family. His grandfather,
the murderer of Riccio, had given Queen Mary a
magic ring, as a preservative against poison. His
father, the leader in the Raid of Ruthven, when in
Italy, had his fortunes foretold by a wizard ; and the
son, when some of his friends had killed an adder in
the braes of Strathbran, lamented their haste, and
told them he would have diverted them by making
it dance to the tune of some cabalistic words which
he had learnt in Italy from a great necromaucer and
divine.
1 Calderwood, MS. Hist, Brit. Mas., Ayscough, 4739, p. 1386,
niates this positively : but I have not found his authority.
« MS. St P. Off., drawn up for Cecil in 1592. State of the
Scottish nobility.
' Bhynd s Declaration in Pitcaim's Crim. Trials, vol. ii. pp.
219, 220.
1600- JAMES VL 311
During his residence at Padua, Gowrie addressed
to the King a letter full of gratitude and affection.^
He kept up, also, a correspondence with his old tutor
RoUock ; and, in 1595, sent a long epistle to
Malcolm, the minister of the kirk at Perth, express-
ing the most devoted attachment to Presbyterian
principles, and written in that strange, pedantic, puri-
tanic style which then characterized the correspon-
dence of the most zealous of that party.' The young
earl described in this letter, with high exultation
and approval, an insane attack made by a fanatical
English Protestant upon a Catholic procession, in
which he seized the sacred Host, and trampled it
under foot ; and concluded by expressions of deep
regret that his absence from Scotland did not permit
him to set forth God's glory in his native country; trust-
ing, as he added, to make up for all this on his return.
This return took place in 1599, through Swit-
zerland ; and on arriving at Geneva, he became an
inmate for three months in the house of the famous
Reformer Beza, who cherished him as the son of a
father whom his party regarded as a martyr to the
Protestant faith. From Geneva he travelled to
Paris, where he was received with high distipction
at the French Court, and by Elizabeth's Ambassador,
Sir Henry Nevil ; who admitted him into his confi-
dence, held private conferences with him '* on the
alterations feared in Scotland, (to use Nevil's own
' Pltcaim's Crim. Triak, vol. ii. p. 330.
' It baa been printed by Mr Pltcaim, in tbe second volume of
bb valuable work, the Criminal Trials, pp. 330, 331.
312 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
words,) found him to be exceedingly well affected to the
caase of religion, devoted to Elizabeth's service, and, in
short,a nobleman of whom,for his good judgment, zeal
and ability, exceeding good use might be made on
his return."^ Both well, his old friend and associate,
was also at this time in Paris. On leaving France,
Cowrie, carrying warm letters of recommendation
from Nevil, proceeded to the English Court ; where
Elizabeth received him with flattering distinction,
and kept him for two months ; admitting him to her
confidence, holding with him great conference* on the
state of Scotland, which was then threatening and
alarming ; and it is said by one author, api)ointiDg a
guard to watch over his safety. It was then no
unfrequent occurrence for the incipient intriguer, or
conspirator, to be seized or kidnapped by the strata-
gem of his opponents ; and, if true, this circumstance
certainly shows how highly the English Queen regard-
ed his safety, and what value she set upon his future
services. During this stay in England he became
familiar with Sir Robert Cecil, at this moment the
most confidential minister of Elizabetli; with the
great Lord Wylloughby, one of the honestest and
ablest servajits of the Queen ;^ and with many others
of the leading men about Court.
At the time of Cowrie's arrival in England, (3d
> Sir Henry Nevil to Secretary Cecil, 27th Feb., 159». Win-
wood's Memorials, vol. i. p. 156.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Sir John Carey to Cecil, 29th May,
1600.
s MS. Letter, St. P. Off., James Hudson to Cecil, 3d April,
1 600. Also, Ibid., B.C., Wylloughby to Cecil, 1 1th Aug., 1600.
1600. JAMES VI. 313
April, 1600,) Elizabeth was deeply incensed with the
proceedings of the Scottish King, and his reported
intrigues with the Catholics of her own kingdom, and
i^ith the Courts of Spain and Rome, on the subject
of his title. He had resolved, and made no secret of
his resolution, to vindicate his right to the Crown of
England by arms, if it were necessary ; and he had
roused the resentment and alarm of the party of the
Kirk to the highest pitch, by the court which he paid
to the Catholics, both at home and on the continent.
A letter written to Cecil by Colvil, about six months
before this, described these intrigues and preparations
in strong terms.
Colvil, it must be remembered, was the confidant
of the notorious Bothwell, and an old friend and
fellow-conspirator of Cowrie's father. It was cer-
tain, so said Colvil in this letter, that two envoys had
come to the Scottish King from the Pope. They had
brought high offers : a promise of a hundred thousand
crowns at present, and an engagement to pay down
two millions the moment he published liberty of con-
science, and declared war with England. Twenty
thousand Catholics were said to be ready to join the
King the moment he crossed the Border. There was
not one Catholic Prince in Europe who would not
support his claim ; and his Holiness not only regarded
him as the most learned and religious Prince of his
time, but would willingly follow his advice in restor-
ing to the universal church its purity and discipline.^
> MS. St. P.. Off., Advertisements from Scotland, 18th August,
1509, enclosed in a letter from Colril, dated 21st Aug., 1599.
314 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
In another letter, written some time before this, and
dated 17th August, 1599, Colvil speaks to Cecil of
the ominous tranquillity of the Scottish Court ; which,
he says, he had often remarked to be never so quiet
as when some '' snake-stone was hatching*' ; adding,
'' Quand leMechant dort^leDiable le hercher He assured
Cecil, that the King was highly enraged and excited
against the party of the Kirk. The ministers were
led by Bruce and Andrew Melvil ; their ranks in-
cluded Cassillis, Lindsay, Morton, and Blantyre ; and
he added, with a significancy which this statesman
could be at no loss to understand, that if they re-
ceived any secret encouragement from England, they
were devising to send for Gowrie and Argyll, both
of whom were then abroad/
This letter was written towards the end of August,
1599, when Gowrie was probably on his route to Eng-
land ; and in the interval between this and his arrival
at the Court of Elizabeth, the estrangement between
the Queen of England and the King of Scots had be-
come more embittered. Nicolson, the English Envoy
at the Scottish Court, was full of alarm at James'
almost open hostility. In one of his letters to CecU,
written in the end of April, 1600, when Gowrie was at
the English Court, and, as we have just seen, admitted
to the confidence of this minister and his royal mis-
tress, he described the King as indulging in expres-
sions of the utmost discontent and anger on the
subject of the intended peace between England and
^ MS. St. P. Off., Advertisements from Scotland, 18th Angnst,
1599, enclosed in a letter from Colvil, dated 2l8t Aug., 1599.
16O0. JAHES vi. 315
Spain. Elizabeth (such were James' words) bad long
resisted every amicable application made to her on
the point of his title ; and now he heard one day she
was aboat to marry the Lady Arabella to the brother
of the Emperor Mathias ; the next, that she had sent
for young Beauchamp to Court ; the next, that in con-
sequence of her peace with Spain, a priest had openly
addressed the Infanta, as the destined restorer of the
Catholics in England.^ Of all this, James added, the
Queen refused him any explanation. She treated him
with coldness and suspicion ; and it became him to
look to his just rights, and provide for the future.
Such things were said even openly by the King of
Scots ; but in the secrecy of his cabinet, James used
far stronger language. He there insisted, that before
Elizabeth's death, which considering her advanced
age and broken health, could not be far distant, he
must be ready armed, his exchequer well supplied,
and the friends on whom he could place reliance,
assembled on the spot with their full strength. To
compass all this, he had spared no exertion. Eng-
land swarmed with his spies ; and the " daily creep-
ing in of Englishmen" to the Scottish Court, was a
matter which perpetually roused the suspicions of
Cecil, and cut his royal mistress to the quick. At
this very moment, when Gowrie was in such confi-
dential intercourse with that Princess and her minis-
ters, the Scottish King had received information
which made him stand especially on his guard. It
was reported that a plot was then being organized
1 H& Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 24th Dec., 15D9.
316 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
by the faction in the interest of England, to compel
the King into a more pacific policy, and arrest his
warlike preparations against that realm ;^ that Colvil,
Archibald Douglas, and Douglas the Laird of Spot
all of them old employes of Cecil, were the chief
conspirators in England ; and that they were casting
about to draw home the Earl of Gowrie, then at the
Court of Elizabeth, and on whom they reckoned as
a great accession to their strength.* Bothwell, too,
the arch-traitor, whom of all men the King hated
and dreaded most, had been at Paris at the same
time with Gowrie : their former intimacy rendered
it almost impossible they should not have met ; and
it was now strongly reported, that this desperate
man had stolen into Scotland, and had been thrice
seen recently in Liddesdale.^
Such was the state of parties ; such the mutual
heart-burning jealousy, intrigues, and preparations be-
tween the two sovereigns, when Gowrie, after two
months' residence in England, left the Court of Eliza-
beth and returned to his native country. The facts
hitherto given are all capable of proof: their eflfects
upon the character of Gowrie, and how far they in-
fluenced or serve to explain his subsequent extra-
ordinary proceedings, can only be conjectural. Yet
it appears that they go far to explain something
of the mystery which hitherto has surrounded the
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 20th April, 1600.
« Id. Ibid.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., Guevara to Lord TVjUougbby,
23d April, 1600.
16O0. JAMES VI. 317
origin of this plot; and that here we have one of those
cases where, from the elements on which we form
our opinion, conjecture may come indefinitely near
to certainty. Gowrie was young : and on youth what
must have been worked by the flattery of a Queen,
and so great a Queen as Elizabeth! He was ambi-
tious and proud ; and when he found that his friends
were anxious to place him at the head of the English
faction, and in opposition to the hostile projects of
the King, was it likely he should decline that pre-
eminence? He was a devoted and enthusiastic
Puritan, and hated prelacy. Was such a mind likely
to refuse the opportunity that now offered, to reestab-
lish the Presbyterian ascendancy, to reinstate his old
friends the ministers on the ground from which they
had been driven, and to destroy, if possible, that
Catholic faith, which, in his judgment, was idolatrous
and damnable ? He was animated by a keen desire
to revenge his father's death on the monarch who
had brought him to the scaffold ; and was it probable
that when, in the secret conferences which took place
with Nevil, Cecil, and Elizabeth, the hostile plans
and dangerous intrigues of the King of Scotland were
discussed, the Raid of Ruthven should have been
forgotten; or that the nefarious project, so repeatedly
hazarded, so often crowned with success, to seize the
King*s person, and administer the government under
his pretended sanction, would not present itself? To
grasp the supreme power, and have his revenge into
the bargain : were such offers unlikely to be held
out by so unscrupulous a minister as Cecil ? Was
318 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1600.
it probable that, if held out, they would be refused by
Gowrie? But leaving such 6p6Culations,let us proceed.
The young earl arriyed in Scotland, after his long
absence, about the 20th of May; and some little
circumstances accompanied his return, which, after his
miserable fate, were remembered and much dwelt on.
He entered the capital surrounded by an unusuallj
brilliant cavalcade of noblemen and gentlemen, the
friends and dependants of his house, and amid the
shouts of immense crowds who welcomed his return.
On hearing of it, the King shook his head, and ob-
served, that as many shouted when his father lost
his head at Stirling. Whether this was said in the
presence of the young earl, is not added by Calder-
wood, who gives the anecdote ; but it was noticed,
and we may be pretty sure would reach his ear.
When he kissed hands, and took his place in the
Court circle, his fine presence, handsome countenance,
and graceful manners, struck every one.. He soon be-
came a special favourite of the Queen and her ladies,
one of whom was his sister, Lady Beatrix Ruthven ;
and to the King his learning and scholarship made
him equally acceptable. He had lived in the society
of the most eminent foreign scholars, philosophers,
and divines ; but he was equally accomplished in all
knightly sports, and could discuss the merits of a
hawk or hound as enthusiastically as any subject in
the circle of the sciences. This was much to James'
content; and as the monarch sat at breakfast, he
would often keep Gowrie leaning on the back of
his chair, and talk to him with that voluble, un-
1600. JAMES VL 319
dignified familiarity which marked the royal conyer-
sation. He rallied the young nobleman, also, on his
long stay at the English Court ; and, as Sir John
Carey wrote to Cecil, assailed him with many "fleytes^
and pretty taunts," on the high honours paid him by
^Elizabeth, his frequent great conferences with the
Queen, her offer to bribe him with gold, and the sump-
tuonsness of his reception and entertainment. He mar-
velled, too, with good-humoured irony, that his old
friends, the ministers of the Kirk, had not ridden
out to meet him and form part of his triumphant
cavalcade ;' and, half between joke and earnest, con-
trived to show him that he had watched all his move-
ments, and was perfectly aware of his confidential
intercourse with Neyil, Cecil, and Elizabeth herself.
All this Cowrie took, or seemed to take, in good
part.^ He had certainly, he said, been honourably en-
tertained, and yery graciously received by the Queen of
England ; but this, he believed, was for the King his
master's sake ; and so he had accepted it. As for
gold, he had been offered none : nor did he need it.
He had enough of his own.^ It was in one of those
familiar conversations on a strange subject, that an
allusion escaped the King, which waa afterwards
remembered. Queen Anne was at this time great
with child, and probably did not take sufficient care
* " Fleytee," scolds.
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., Sir John Carey to Cecil, 29th
May, 1600.
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 2d May, 1600.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., Sir John Carey to Sir R. Cecil,
29th May, 1600.
320 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
of herself; but be this bs it may, James consulted
Gowrie, who had studied at Padua, then the highest
medical school in Europe, on the most common causes
of miscarriage. He mentioned several, but insisted
on fright or sudden terror as the most dangerous;
upon which the King, bursting into a fit of loud and
scornful laughter, exclaimed, " Had that been true,
my Lord, I should never have been sitting here to ask
the question. Remember the slaughter of Seignor
Davie, wherein thy grandsire was the chief actor:" a
reckless, cruel thrust, which the young nobleman most
have felt like an adder's sting: for not only his grand-
father but his father were present at that bloody deed.^
On another occasion, soon after his arrival, a ruffle
was nearly taking place in the long gallery at Holy-
rood, between the servants of Colonel William
Stewart and some of the gentlemen of Gowrie's
suite. It was this Stewart who had seized his &ther
at Dundee, and dragged him to his trial and death ;
and all dreaded a bloody encounter. But Gowrie,
to their surprise, beat down the weapons of his
followers; and giving place with a contemptuous
jesture to Stewart, permitted him to walk first into
the presence-chamber. On being remonstrated with,
his brief and proud reply was a Latin proverb,
''Aquila rum capiat mtiscas'' It is the remark of
an old chronicler, that he here covertly alluded to
his intended revenge against the King.' It is cer-
> Calderwood, MS. Hist., Brit. Mas., Sloan, 4739, fol. 1389.
* Anonymous MS. Hist, of Scotland, quoted in Pitcairn's Crimi-
nal Trials, vol. ii., p. 297.
ICOO. JAMES VI. 321
taiu, at least, that it betrayed a determination on
Gowrie's part, to fly at the highest quarry.
On his first arrival at Court, about the middle of
May 1600, he found the King's mind still concen-
trated upon that one subject which had so long filled
his thoughts, and which he had determined to bring
shortly before a Convention of his nobility, barons,
and burghs. This was the necessity of making pre-
paration for an event now currently talked of: the
death of Elizabeth. To this end James had sum-
moned a Convention of the three Estates to meet on
the 20th of June. He had resolved to levy a tax
upon the country, to pay his Ambassadors to foreign
parts ; and to have such a force in readiness as should
overawe his enemies, and give confidence to his sup-
porters. On these proposed measures parties were
so divided, and such violent storms were apprehended,
that the wisest, as Nicolson wrote to Cecil, wished
themselves out of the country ; and Gowrie, by the
advice of his friends, after a brief stay at Court, re-
tired to his own estates, " to be a beholder of the
issue of these many suspicions."^ Soon after this, a
violent interview took place between the King and
the English resident, Nicolson, in which James com-
plained that Elizabeth had treated him with the ut-
most haughtiness and want of confidence on the sub-
ject of the Spanish peace. She blamed him, he said,
for matters of which he was wholly innocent, and show-
ed more kindness to a foreign Duke and the Infanta
than to him. It was openly bragged by one of her
' MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 27th May, 1600.
VOL. IX. Y
322 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. IGOO.
subjects, that Bothwell was to be let loose, to come
in again and brave it. She had seized a parcel of
muskets, which he had declared upon his honour had
been purchased for the use of his household, as if she
dreaded they should be turned against herself.^ AH
this, which was daily reported to Elizabeth and
Cecil, increased the unfriendly feelings between the
two Courts, and convinced the English minister that
something decided must be done, to check that bold,
and almost hostile attitude in which James seemed
now determined to insist upon his rights to the Eng-
lish throne.
At last the important day of the Convention of the
three Estates arrived ; the nobility, including Gowrie
amongst the rest, assembled ; the barons and burghs
attended ; and the King, after having, in many pri-
vate interviews, endeavoured to gain over the leading
men to his own views, brought his proposals before
the public meeting of the three Estates, in a studied
harangue. To his extreme indignation and astonish-
ment, he failed to convince them of the necessity of
taxing themselves to raise the sum he required. The
majority of the nobility and the prelates who had
been privately canvassed by James, and talked over
by the Earl of Mar, were compliant enough ; but the
barons and the burghs stoutly resisted. The King
adjourned the Convention from Monday till Tuesday,
employing the interval in threats, entreaties, and re-
monstrances ; but on this day they were as stubborn as
before. Another and longer adjournment, and another
> MS. Letter, St P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 29th May, 1600.
1600. JAMES VI. 323
meeting took place. It not only found them in the
same indomitable humour, but some of the higher
barons began to waver. The Lord President Seton,
in reply to the assertion of the royal claimant, that
he must have an army ready on the Queen's death,
to maintain his title, argued against the utter folly of
attempting to seize that ancient crown by conquest.
For such a purpose, he observed, who could say
what exact sum might be required ? and if the sura
were named, who was so insane as to expect that
Scotland could raise it ? If about to build a palace,
they might have a plan and an estimate ; if to raise
an army of so many thousand men, some certainty
might be had of the funds required : but who would
venture to fix the sum necessary for the conquest of
England ? and if fixed, who could be so mad as to
believe that the poor country of Scotland could raise
it, when it was notorious that sundry towns in Eng-
land and the Low Countries could advance more
money than all Scotland together? ^ Mr Edward Bruce
argued for the King's views ; and insisted that every
true Scotsman, if he regarded the honour of his Prince
and country, ought to contribute to the sum now re-
quired. Let them not imagine, said he, that a refusal
would be unaccompanied with danger. Whoever
usurped England after Elizabeth's death would have
an eye to Scotland ; and if they now suffered their
King to be defeated of his right, they might chance
to find themselves defeated of their country.
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 22d June, 1600.
Ibid., same to same, 29th June, 1600.
324 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
This argument somewhat softened James, who had
started up in a violent passion and accused the Presi-
dent Seton of perverting his meaning. But nothing
could move the barons and burghs. They reiterated
their plea of poverty ; declared, that when the time
came, they would furnish their monarch as fair an army
as ever good subjects levied for their Prince; and in the
meanwhile, instead of forty thousand crowns, would
give him forty thousand pounds Scots, on the con-
dition that they, should never again be taxed in his
time ; and that what they did give should go to his
own wants, and not to his hungry courtiers. The
King spumed at this diminished and conditional
oflFer, and insisted that it should be put to the vote
whether it. had not been agreed in a former Conven-
tion at St Johnston, that a hundred thousand crowns
should be advanced him by a thousand persons.
On this new question the young Earl of Gowrie now
spoke for the first time ; and heading the opposition
of the barons and the burghs, exposed the King to
the disgrace of a second defeat.^ He had, he said,
been long absent from the country, and had no per-
sonal knowledge of what had taken place at St John-
ston ; but he contended that the present offer of the
burghs and barons, to give forty thousand pounds to
the King, and their promise to raise money for an
army when it was required, was quite as good, nay,
almost a better proposal, than that so strongly insisted
on by James. Why, then, should his Majesty take
such deep umbrage at it ? Surely, he continued, it
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 29th June, 1600.
1600. JAMES vr. 325
must be evident, that this demand of the King will
bring dishonour upon all parties : it is dishonourable
for a Prince to ask more than his subjects have to
give, and suffer the ignominy of a refusal; it is dis-<
honourable for a people that their poverty should be
laid bare to the world, and that all men should see
and know they could give so little to their Prince/
This speech of Gowrie,and the daring way in which
BO young a man threw himself into the ranks of the
faction opposed to the King, astonished the Assembly.
" Alas !" said Sir David Murray, a courtier, who stood
near, " yonder is an unhappy man : his enemies are
but seeking an occasion for his death ; and now he
has given it." * But if others wondered, the King, to
use an expression of Nicolson's to Cecil, absolutely
raged^ and dismissed the Assembly with a tumultuous
burst of fierce and undignified invective; mingling his
abuse of the barons and burghs with praises of his
nobility, whom he assured of his friendship and favour
in all their affairs. " As for you, my masters," he
exclaimed, turning with fiashing eyes to the burghers,
" your matters, too, may chance to come in my way ;
and, be assured, I shall remember this day, and be
even with you. It was I who gave you a vote in
Parliament ; I who made you a fourth Estate : and
it will be well for such as you to remember that I
can summon a Parliament at my pleasure, and pull
you down as easily as I have built you up.^ This insult-
ing speech roused one of the oldest of the barons, the
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nioolson to Cecil, 29th June, 1600.
^ MS. Calderwood, Ayscongh, 4739, foL 1389.
3 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolaon to Cecil, 29th June, 1600.
326 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 160O.
Laird of Easter Wemyss, who boldly told the King
that he misconstrued their meaning ; and forgot how
much he owed them, and what great sums they had
given him in his necessities. " We have done your
Majesty," said he, " as good offices for otir Estate ;
and we, your Majesty's bui^hs and barons, are as
worthy your thanks as the proudest earl, or lord, or
prelate here. Our callings may be inferior, but our
devotedness is as great ; and so your Majesty will
find it when the proper time arrives. As for our
places in Parliament and Convention, we have bought
our seats ; we have paid your Majesty for them ; and
we cannot, with justice, be deprived of them. But
the throne is surrounded by flatterers who propagate
falsehoods against us : let us be confronted with our
accusers, and we engage to prove them liars." ^
With this haughty defence on the part of the lesser
barons and burghs, and with the deepest feelings of
displeasure against them and Gowrie, on the part of
the King, the Convention separated ; and James had
to digest, not only the disgrace of a refusal, but the
universal satisfaction which, if we may believe Nicol-
son, it occasioned in the country. He was not di-
verted from his purpose, however ; for, not ten days
after. Sir Robert Cecil, who was familiar with all
that had taken place at the Convention, was informed
by one of his correspondents, that James' prepara-
tions against England continued, and that he intended
not to tarry till Elizabeth's death. This news was
written partly in cipher, on a slip of paper sent to
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., NicoLson to Cecil, 29th June, 1600.
1 600. JAMES VI. 327
Cecil, indorsed with the caution, " To ready and burn''
It contained this passage : — ** Nicolson tells me h^
understands, by one who never abused him, that the
King is, by all means, seeking a party, and hath a party
in England ; and by party or faction, if he can have
commodity by either, * * intends not to tarry upon
her Majesty's death, but take time so soon as with--
out peril he can."^
It is probably from this moment that we may
date the actual rise of the Gowrie conspiracy.
Elizabeth and James were, as we have just seen, on
the very worst terms with each other. Gowrie,
by every feeling of education, interest, and revenge,
was attached to England and its Queen; and his
conduct in the Convention had now thrown him
into mortal opposition with the King of Scots.
James was intriguing with the Queen's subjects in
England. It was suspected he had fomented the
rebellion in Ireland ; and all this at a moment when
the Queen was most likely to resent it deeply ;
for she had lately been roused and irritated by the
insane projects of Essex. Although aged, Elizabeth
was still unbroken in health; yet James must be
watching for her death, and openly admonishing his
subjects to make preparations for taking possession
of her crown. This Gowrie knew ; and he reckoned
on the support of England in anything he undertook
against the King. He could build, too, with cer-
tainty on the favourable opinion of the lesser barons,
and the influential body of the burghs. They had
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., 9th July, 1600. Secret information
sent in the Letter, indorsed, To read and burn.
328 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1 600.
already made their stand a^inst the King ; in
the convention Gowrie had joined them ; and they
understood each other. On the Kirk he could rely
with still more certainty : he was the darling hope
of the Presbyterian party, the son of their martjr ;
the youthful Daniel, who had kept his first faith en-
tire in the bosom of idolatry, and in the very head-
quarters of Antichrist. Could he doubt that, in any
attempt to stay the headlong haste with which their
unhappy King seemed to be throwing himself into
the arms of the Catholic party, he would fail to have
the whole force of the Kirk upon his side? All this was
encouraging ; and when, in addition to these induce-
ments, he contemplated the rich reward awaiting his
success, if he made himself master of the King's per-
son ; the gratification of his ambition, power, place,
fame, above all, revenge ; was it likely that a man of
Gowrie's temperament would resist them all ? Besides,
he had enemies : his death and ruin, if we may be-
lieve one who must have had good cause of know-
ledge, were already resolved on ; ^ and if he did not
become the assailant, it was a narrow chance but he
might prove the victim. If, on the other hand, he
could but strike the blow, his popularity and high
connexions promised him many friends, on whose
concurrence he could safely reckon.
But how was the blow to be struck ? Here was the
whole difliculty and danger; and here, young as he was,
Gowrie appears to have devised a plot unlike any
hitherto known in his country's history, although fer-
tile in conspiracies: more Italian than Scottish; crafty,
* See p. 325.
1600- JAMES VI. 329^
rather than openly courageous ; and, from its very ori-
ginality, not, perhaps, unlikely to have succeeded, had
the parts assigned to the c'onspirators been differently
cast. His design appears to have been to decoy the
King, by some plausible tale, into his castle of Cow-
rie, on the Tay ; to separate him from his suite, and
compel him, by threats of instant death, to suffer
himself to be carried aboard a boat which should be
waiting on the river for the purpose. This was the
first act in the projected plot : in the second, the
vessel was to push instantly out to sea ; and the royal
prisoner was to be conveyed, in a few hours, to an
impregnable little fortalice which overhung the Ger-
man Ocean, and where, if well victualled, a garrison
of twenty men could, for months, have defied a royal
army. To communicate with England, and admin-
ister the government in the royal name, but under
the dictation of Gowrie and his faction, would then
be easy. It had been repeatedly done before in the
history of the country, and very recently in the Raid
of Ruthven ; why then should it not be done again ?
In all this projected scheme there was some
raisihness; something smacking of youth, audacity,
and revenge; but there was also some sagacity.
Since the days of the conspiracy against Riccio, down
to the Raid of Ruthven, most of the plots which
chequer and stain the history of the country had
failed, from admitting too many into their secret.
A band or covenant had been drawn up ; a correspon-
dence opened with England ; the Envoy at the Scot-
tish Court had been admitted to the secret ; the Kirk
830 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
consulted; the pulse of the burghs and barons felt;
and SO many points presented for suspicion to work
on, and treachery to be rewarded, that success was
unlikely, and discovery almost ineyitable. That
Gowrie had observed this, and had deeply studied
the subject of " Conspiracies against Princes'* under
Machiavel, the most acute of masters, we know £rom
a curious anecdote preserved by Spottiswood. A
short time before his unhappy death, a friend found
him in the library, with a volume of the great Flo-
rentine in his hand. On inquiring the subject of his
studies : showing him the book, he observed that it
was a collection of the most famous conspiracies
against princes. " A perilous subject," was the re-
ply. ** Yes," said the young conspirator ; " perilous :
because most of such plots have been foolishly con-
trived, and have embraced too many in the secret.
He who goes about such a business, should beware
of putting any man on his counsel."^
Under this idea, Gowrie admitted to his secret as
few associates as possible ; and his accomplices were
men on whom he had the most implicit reliance.
They appear to have been only four in number : his
brother, Alexander Ruthven, commonly called the
Master of Ruthven, who held an office in the King's
chamber ; Robert Logan of Restalrig, a Border ba-
ron, distantly connected with the Gowrie family ; a
third person of rank and consequence, but whose
name is still a mystery ; and, lastly, an old ruffian
^ Spottiswood, History, p. 460. Hailes* Notes on the Gowrie
Conspiracy.
160O. JAMES VI. 331
follower of Logan's, called Laird Bower. Logan
was a man already known to Sir Robert Cecil ; who,
on making some inquiries regarding him in 1599, re-
ceived from the celebrated Lord Wyllonghby, then
Governor of Berwick, this brief character of the Scot-
tish Border baron : — " There is such a Laird of Les-
terligg, as you write of: a main loose man ; a great
favourer of thieves reputed ; yet a man of a good
clan, as they here term it ; and a good fellow."^ The
character here given of Logan was far too favourable :
for there is no doubt that he was a desperate, reck-
less, and unprincipled villain, although a person of a
good house, and true to his friends, according to
the principles of that Border code under which he
had been bred. He had run through a large estate
in every kind of dissipation and excess, was a mocker
at religion, had been a constant follower of the noto-
rious Bothwell, and was now drowned in debt ; yet,
bad as he was. Laird Bower, his brother-conspirator,
his chamberlain, or household man, as he termed him,
appears to have been a shade blacker. It was to
this old Borderer that the perilous task was com-
mitted, of carrying the letters which passed between
Logan and Gowrie. Bower bad received his nurture
and education in the service of David Hume of Man-
derston, commonly called " Davie the Devil ;" and in
this Satanic school had become a more debauched
and daring ruf3an than his master ; who described
him, in writing to Gowrie, as a worthy fellow, who
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., Lord Wylloughby to Cecil,
Ist January, 1598-9. The name is sometimes written Lestelrig,
sometimes Restalrig.
332 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
would not spare to ride to HelPs yett to pleasure him.*
Of the character of the other unknown conspirator,
nothing can be said, as his name remains yet a sha-
dow. But if we may trust to popular report, Alex-
ander, the Master of Ruthven, was a young man of
the highest promise ; amiable, accomplished, gentle
almost to a fault, and a universal favourite at Court ;
yet, strange as it may appear, the execution of that
part of the plot requiring the utmost sternness,
promptitude, and decision, was committed to this
youth. He it was on whom his brother laid the
task of decoying the King into Gowrie House, and
forcing him into the boat ; whilst Gowrie himself un-
dertook to amuse or intimidate the suite ; and Logan
was to have his house of Fastcastle ready to receive
the royal prisoner.
Both these mansions, Gowrie House and Fast-
castle, were, from their construction and situation,
singularly-well calculated for the attempt against the
King. The first was a large baronial mansion, of
quadrangular shape, built in the town of Perth, and
on the border of the Tay, the river washing the gar-
den; and fortified by a wall which ran along the
bank, and was flanked by two strong towers. Its
apartments were numerous ; arranged, as was usual
in those times, en suite^ and so as to communicate
with each other ; and amongst them was a long gal-
lery, which extended along one side of the square,
and conmiunicated, by a door at the end, with a
chamber which, in its turn, led to a small circular
1 Logan to Gowrie, in Pitcaim's Criminal Trials, tol. ii. p. 285.
1600. JAMES VI. 333
room constructed in the interior of a turret. This
gallery, and the other apartments, were accessible by
a broad oaken staircase; but the turret, or round
room, could be reached also by a back spiral turn-
pike : so that a person who had entered it through
the gallery, might escape, or could be conveyed
away without agai^ traversing the principal stair-
case.
Fastcastle, the residence or den of Logan, was the
very opposite of Gowrie House ; being a single square
and massive feudal tower, standing on the brink of a
steep and almost perpendicular black rock, which rose
to the height of two hundred feet above the German
Ocean. From the sea, it was completely inaccessible,
unless to those who knew the secret of its steps cut
in the rock, and could unlock the iron bolts and doors
which defended them; and on the land side, the
isthmus on which it stood was connected with the
mainland by so narrow a neck, that any attempt to
force its little drawbridge was hopeless. The distance
from Gowrie House to Fastcastle, by sea, was about
seventy miles ; from Fastcastle to the English Bor-
der, about twenty-five miles.
It is now time to introduce the reader to the most
interesting part of this strange story: the letters of
the conspirators themselves. It appears from these
documents, which were not discovered until many
years after the deep tragedy in which the conspiracy
concluded, that early in the month of July 1600,
Gowrie wrote to Logan appointing a secret meeting,
to confer " on the purpose he knew ofr This letter
336 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. IGOO.
This letter of Logan's was dated from Fastcastle,
18th July ; and on the same day he sent the follow-
ing letter, connected with the conspiracy, to Liurd
Bower, from his house in the Canongate of Edin-
burgh, informing him of a second letter " concerning
the purpose, which he had received from Gowrie."
" Laird Bower, — I pray you hast you fast to me
about the errand I told you, and we shall confer at
length of all things. I have received a new letter
from my Lord of Go., concerning the purpose that
M. A., his Lordship's brother, spake to me before ; and
I perceive I may have advantage of Dirlton in case
his other matter take effect, as we hope it shall.
Always, I beseech you, be at me the mom^ at even ;
for I have assured his Lordship's servant that I shall
send you over the water within three days, with a
full resolution of all my will anent* all purposes.
As I shall indeed recommend you and your trustiness
to his Lordship, as ye shall find an honest recom-
pense for your pains in the end. I care not for all the
land I have in this kingdom, in case I get a grip^ at
Dirlton : for I esteem it the pleasantest dwelling in
Scotland. For God's cause, keep all things very
secret, that my Lord, my brother, get no know-
ledge of our purposes ; for I [wald] rather be eirdit*
quick."^
Between the 18th of July, the date of both these
letters, and the 27th of the same month, the con-
* The mom ; to-morrow. * Anent; touching.
' Grip ; hold. ^ Eirdit quick ; buried alive.
^ Pitcaim's Criminal Trials, vol. ii. p. 283.
1600. JAMES VI. 337
spirators appear to have met; and the manner in
which the attempt was to be made was arranged.
It only remained to fix the precise day. This ap-
pears from the following letter of Logan, sent to the
unknown conspirator, from his house in the Canon-
gate, on the 27th of July : —
" Right Honourable Sib, — All my hartly duty
with humble service remembered. Since I have taken
on hand to enterprise with my Lo. of Go., [Lord of
Gowrie,] your special and only best beloved, as we
have set down the plat already, I will request you
that ye will be very circumspect and wise, that no
man get an advantage of us. I doubt not but ye
know the peril to be both life, land, and honour, in
case the matter be not wisely used. And, for my
own part, I shall have a special respect to my pro-
mise that I have made to his Lo., and M . A., his
Lo. brother, although the scafibld were set up. If I
cannot win to Falkland the first night, I shall be
timely in St Johnston on the mom. Indeed, I lip-
pened^ for my Lo. himself, or else M. A., his Lo.
brother, at my house of Fastcastle, as I wrote to
them both. Always I repose on your advertisement
of the precise day with credit to the bearer ; for how-
beit he be but a silly, auld, gleid' carle, I will answer
for him that he shall be very true.
'^ I pray you. Sir, read, and either bum or send
again with the bearer ; for I dare hazard my life,
and all I have else in the world, on his message, I
> Looked for; expected. 'Oleid; squinting.
VOL. IX. Z
3j38 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
have such proof of his constant truth. So commits
yon to Christ's holy protection." ^
Two days after this, on the 29th July, and only a
week hefore the attempt and fatal catastrophe, Logan
sent Laird Bower with the follovdng letter to Gowrie.
I give it all, as every word of its contents is of im-
portance.
" Mr Lo., — My most humble duty, &c. At the re-
ceipt of your Lo. letter I am so comforted, especially
at your Lo. purpose conununicated to me therein,
that I can neither utter my joy, nor find myself able
how to encounter your Lo. with due thanks. Li-
deed, my Lord, at my being laat in the town, M. A.,
your Lo. brother, imparted somewhat of your Lord-
ship's intention anent that matter unto me ; atid if I
had not been busied about some turns of my own, I
thought to have come over to S. Jo.' and spoken vrith
your Lo. Yet always, my Lo., I beseech your Lo.,
both for the safety of your honour^ <iredit, and, more
than that, your life, my life, and the lives of many
others, who may, perhaps, innocently smart for that
turn afterwards, in case it be revealed by any ; and,
likewise, the utter wrecking of our lands and houses,
and extirpating of our names ; look that we be all as
sure as your Lo. ; and I myself shall be for my own
part ; and then I doubt not, but, with God's grace,
we shall bring our matter to a fine,' which shall bring
contentment to us all that ever wished for the revenge
of theMaschevalent^ massacring of our dearest friends.
' Pitcairn, vol, ii., p. 284. ' St Johnston, or Perth.
' End. * Haohiavelian.
1600. JAMES VL 33d
" I doubt not but M. A., your Lo. brother, has in-
formed your Lo. what course I laid down to bring
all your Lo. associates to my house of Fastcastle by
sea, where I should have all materials in readiness
for their safe receiving a-land, and into my house,
making, as it were, but a matter of pastime in a boat
on the sea, in this fait summer tide ; and none other
strangers to haunt my house while^ we had concluded
on the laying of our platt, which is already devised
by Mr Alexander and me. And I would wish that
your Lordship would either come or send M! A. to
me ; and thereafter I should meet your Lo. in Leith,
or quietly in Restalrig, where we should have pre-
pared a fine hattit kit^ with sugar, confits^ and wine,
and thereafter confer on matters : and the sooner we
brought oul: purpose to pass, it were the better, be-
fore harvest. Let not M. W. R., [Mr Wm. Rhynd,]
your old pedagogue, ken' of your coming ; but rather
would I, if I dare be so bold to entreat your Lo.
once to come and see my ovm house, where I have
kept my Lo. Bo. [Lord Bothwell] in \Aa grtotest
extremities, say the K. and his Council what they
would. And in case God grant us a happy success
in this errand, I hope both to have your Lo. and his
Lo., with many others of your lovers and his, at a
good dinner before I die. Always, I hope, that the
King's buck-hunting at Falkland this year shall pre-
pare some dainty cheer for us against that dinner the
next year. Hoc jocose, to animate your Lo. at this
> WhUe; until.
^ A Scottish dish, composed of coagulated milk, and eaten with
rich cream and sugar, ' Know.
<340 HISTORV OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
time ; but afterwards we shall have better occasion
to make merry.
" I protest, my Lo., before God, I wish nothing
with a better heart, nor^ to achieve to that which
your Lo. would fain attain unto : and my continual
prayer shall tend to that effect ; and with the large
spending of my lands, goods, yea, the hazard of my
life shall not afiright me from that; although the
scaffold were already set up, before I should falsify
my promise to your Lo., and persuade your Lo.
thereof. I trow your Lo. has a proof of my con-
stancy ere now.
" But, my Lo., whereas your Lo. desires, in my
letter, that I crave my Lo., my brother's mind, anent
this matter ; I alluterly^ dissent from that, that he
should ever be a councillor thereto : for, in good
faith, he will never help his friend, nor harm his foe.
Your Lo. may confide more in this old man, the
bearer hereof, my man Laird Bower, nor in my
brother ; for I lippen my life, and all I have else, in
his hands : and I trow he would not 'spare to ride to
Hell's yett* to pleasure me ; and he is not beguiled of
my part to him. Always, my Lo., when your Lo.
has read my letter, deliver it to the bearer again,
that I may see it burnt with my ain een,^ as I have
sent your Lo. letter to your Lo. again ; for so is the
fashion I grant. And I pray your Lo., rest fully
persuaded of me, and of all that I have promised ;
for I am resolved, howbeit I were to die the mom,^
' Nor; than. ' Utterly ; entirely. * Hell's gate.
* Own eyes. ^ Although I were to die to-monx)w.
1600. JAMES VI. 34i
I man^ entreat your Lo. to exspede^ Bower, and give
him strait direction, on pain of his life, that he take
never a wink of sleep nntil he see me again, or else
he will utterly nndo us. I have already sent another
letter to the gentleman yonr Lo. kens,^ as the bearer
will inform yonr Lo. of his answer and forwardness
with your Lo. ; and I shall show your Lo. farther, at
meeting, when and where your Lo. shall think meetest.
To which time, and ever, commits your Lo. to the
protection of Almighty God. — From Gunnii^reen,
the 29th of July, 1600.
"Your Lo. own sworn and bound man
to obey and serve, with efald* and ever
ready service, to his utter power, to
his life's end. Restalrig.
" Prays your Lo. hold me excused for my unseemly
letter, quilk is not so well vmtten as mister* were ;
for I durst not let ony" of my writers ken of it, but
took two sundry idle days to it myself.
" I will never foi^et the good sport that M. A.,
your Lo. brother, told me of a nobleman of Padua ;
it comes so oft to my memory ; and, indeed, it is a
paras teur' to this purpose we have in hand.'' *
Two days after the date of this letter to Gowrie,
on the 3lst of July, Logan, being still at his house of
Gun's Green, wrote the following letter to the un-
known conspirator : —
" Right Honourable Sir, — My hartly duty re-
* Must * Hasten. » Knows. * True.
* Need were. • Any. ^ Apropos ; in point.
" Pitcairn's Crim, Trials, vol. ii., pp. 284, 280.
843 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 160(1.
membered. Ye know I told you, at our last meet-
ing in the Canongate, that M. A. R., my Itord of
Cowrie's brother, had spoken with me anent the
matter of our conclusion ; ai^d, for my own part, I
shall not be hindmost. And sensyne^ I gat a letter
fra his Lordship's self for that same purpose; and upon
the receipt thereof, understanding his Lordship's frank-
ness and forwardness in it, God kens^ if my heart
was not lifted ten stegess.^ I ppsted this same bearer
till his Lordship, to whom you may concredit all your
heart in that as well as I ; for an* it were my very
soul, I durst make him messenger thereof, I have sic^
experience of his truth in many other things. He is
a silly, auld, gleid® earle,^ but wondrous honest. And
as he has reported to me his Lordship's answer, I
think all matters shal} be concluded at my hquse of
Fastcastle ; for I, and M. 4- J^*9 concluded that yon
should come with him and his Lordship, wd only ane
other man with you, being but only four in company,
intil^ one of the great Qshipg-boats by sea to my
house, where ye shall land as safely as on Leith
shore ; and the house, agsjjie^ his Lordship's coming,
to be quiet : and when you are about half a mile
from shore, to gar set forth a waff.^® But, for God's
sake, let neither any knowledge come tq my Lord my
brother's ears, nor yet to M. W. R., my Lordship's
auld pedagog ; for my brother is ^ kittle to shoe be-
^ Since tben. * Knows. ' Stages, degrees. * If . * Snch.
^ Old, squinting. ^ Carle^ a man past 50 years of age. ^ Id.
^ Agane. The bouse to be kept quiet, awaiting bis lordship's
coming. '^ To cause set forth a signal.
1600. JAMES VI. 348
hind/^ and dare not enterprise for fear: and the
other will dissuade us from our purpose with reasons
of religion, which I ean neyer abide.
^' I think there is none of a noble heart, or carries
a stomach worth a penny, but they would be glad to
see a contented revenge of Grey Steil's death.' And
the sooner the better, or else we may be marred and
fmstrated ; and, therefore, pray his Lordship be quick.
And bid M. A. remember the sport *he told me of
Padua ; for I think with myself that the cogitation
on that should stimulate his Lordship. And for
God's cause, use all your courses cum discrecione.
Fail not. Sir, to send back again this letter; for
M. A. leamit me that fashion, that I may see it de-
stroyed myself. So, till your coming, and ever, com-
mits you heartily to Christ's holy protection. — From
Gunnisgreen, the last of July, 1600."
These letters explain themselves. Their import can-
not be mistskken ; their authenticity has never been
questioned ; they still exist ;^ and although they do not
openup all the particulars of the intended attempt, they
establish the reality of the Govme conspiracy beyond
the possibility of a doubt. The first proves that the
Master of Ruthven and Logan had set dovm the
course or plot for the preferment of Gowrie and the
revenge of his father's death ; that the conspirators
were to meet at Fastcastle ; and that they had fixed
**the King's hunting" as the most favourable time
^ Difficult to shoe behind ; not to be trusted.
* Grey Steil, a popular name of Oowrie's father, taken from an
old romance, oaUed ** Grey-Steil."
> In the General Be^ster Houap, Edinburgh.
344 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1600.
for their attempt. Logan, it is seen froni the same
letter, did not think his brother. Lord Home, or
Gowrie's old tutor, Mr William Rhynd, by any
means safe persons to be intrusted with the secret
of the conspiracy. In the second letter to Bower,
we have a glance at the rich bribe by which Gowrie
had secured the assistance of Logan, the estate of
Dirlton ; and in the third, his resolution to keep his
promise '' although the scaffold were set up,'* with
his expectation to have speedy intimation sent him
of the precise day when the attempt was to be made,
and his presence required at St Johnston. Logan's
letter to Gowrie is still more minute. It contains
the determination to revenge the Machiavelian mas-
sacre of their dearest friends ; the intended rendez-
vous of the associates at Fastcastle, who, under the
mask of a pleasure party by sea, were to be con-
veyed into that stronghold ; the previous secret con-
ference to be held at Restalrig over their " hattU kit
and wine ;" the good cheer and happy success which
the King's buck-hunting was to bring them; the
solemn and earnest injunctions of secrecy, — ^life and
lands, name and fiime, hanging on the issue; the
allusion to the strange tale of Padua, so similar to
their present purpose, that it seems to have haunted
the **consety" or high-wrought imagination of Mr
Alexander Ruthven ; the necessity of destroying their
letters : all this is contained in Logan's letter to Gowrie
himself; and in his last letter to the unknown con-
spirator, we have the direction how the signal is to
be given at sea to those who were to be on the look-
out from Fastcastle; the exultation and joy at
1600. JAMES VL 346
Cowrie's frankness and forwardness; the last con-
sultation appointed to be at Fastcastle ; L<^an's
candid character of himself, as utterly unable to
abide all arguments from religion ; his exhortations
to be speedy, and his anticipation of a glorious re-
venge for the death of ** Grey Steil," the affectionate
sobriquet or nickname of the late Earl of Cowrie.
All this is so clearly established by the correspon-.
dence, and so completely prores the existence of
Cowrie's plot for the surprise of the King, and the
meeting of the conspirators at Fastcastle, that he
who doubts must be too desperate in his scepticism
to be reached by any evidence whatever. But we
must proceed.
This last letter of Logan's was written on Thurs-
day, the 31st July ; and all that passed in the secret
conclave of the conspirators, during the three succeed-
ing days, till the night of Monday the fourth of
August, is a blank. On that night (xowrie called his
chamberlain, Andrew Henderson, into his bed-cham-
ber, and commanded him to be ready to ride on the
morrow early with his brother, the Master, to Falk-
land, and to bring back with speed any letter, or
message, which he might receive from him.^
The morning of Tuesday, the 5th of August, found
the King and his nobles in the great park at Falk-
land, ready to mount on horseback, and proceed to
their sport. It was still early, between six and seven
o'clock : all was bustle and preparation ; and the King
1 Henderson's Declaration, Pitcaim's Criminal Trials, toI. li. p.
175.
346 HlSTOBY OF SCOTLAND. 160O.
stood beside the stables surrounded by his hounds
and huntsmen, when Alexander Ruthyen, Gowrie's
younger brother, came up, and, with a low oourtesjr,
kneeling and uncoyering, cra?ed a moment's priyate
audienoe on matter of the utmost moment. His
expression was perturbed, his manner hurried ; and
the King, expecting a communication of importance,
walked aside with him. Ruthyen then declared,
that he, the eyening before, had met a suspicions-
looking fellow without the walls of St Johnston,
with his face muffled in a cloak ; and, perceiying him
to be terriied and astonished when questioned, he
had seized him, and, on searching, had found a large
pot-full of gold pieces under his cloak. This trea-
sure, with the man who carried it, he had secured,
he said, in a small chamber in Gowrie House ; and he
now begged the King to ride with him to Perth on
the instant, and make sure of it for himself, as he had
not eyen reyealed the discoyery to his brother the
Earl. James at first disclaimed haying any right to
money thus found ; but when the Master, to one of
his questions, stated that it seemed foreign gold, the
yision of crowns of the sun and Spanish priests rose
to the royal suspicion ; and he was about to despatch
some seryant of his own, to ride instantly vrith a
warrant to the Proyost, and seize the treasure, when
Ruthyen strongly protested against it ; declaring that
if either the magistrates pr Gowrie got their fingers on
the gold, it might chance that yery few pieces would
eyer come into his Majesty's purse ; and that all that
he implored, in recompense for his fidelity, was that the
1600. jAMfis VI. 347
King wopld ride with him to Perth, see the treasure,
and judge with his owu eyes.
TheCourt was iiowon horseback; the n^omingwear*
ing on ; the baying of the hounds, and cheering of the
hnntsmen, told that the game was found ; and the King,
ioipatiently putting an end to the interview, promised
Ruthyen an answer after he had killed the buck.
Jsunes then galloped off; but the story haunted him ;
and on the first check, he sent for Ruthven, who lin-
gered near at hand, and whispered to him, that he had
resolyed, the moment the chase was over, to accom-
pany him to Perth. The young man instantly de-
spatched Andrew Henderson, the chamberlain, who,
in obedience to Govme's orders the night before, had,
with Andrew Ruthven, accompanied him to Falk-
land ; bidding him gallop to Perth, and tell Gowrie
that the King would be there within a brief space,
and slenderly attended.
When the chase was ended, which lasted till near
eleven, the King surprised his courtiers by telling
them he meant to ride immediately to St Johnston, to
speak virith the Earl of Gowrie ; and without giving
himself or his nobles time to send for fresh horses,
or waiting, as was usual, for the ** curry of the deer,*'^
he rode off vrith Ruthven at so farious a pace, that
he was some miles on the road before Lennox,
or any of his suite, overtook him. All this time
Ruthven had been agitated and restless ; now press-
ing the King te finish the chase ; now urging him not
to wait for fresh horses; now insisting that neither
Lennox, Mar, nor any number of his nobles should
> French, eurer; to cleanse; the ripping np and cleansing the deer.
348 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 160O.
follow him, as it might spoil all ; and this to such a
degree that James, as he pushed on, began to saspeet
and hesitate, and calling Lennox aside, told him the
strange errand he was riding on ; asking him if Ruth-
yen, his brother-in-law, had ever shown any symp-
toms of derangement. The Dnke pronounced the
6tory utterly improbable ; but affirmed he had neyer
seen anything like madness in Ruthven. ''At all
eyents,"said James, ''do not you, Lennox, fail to follow
me into the room where this fellow and his treasure
is." This private conference was not unobserved by
Ruthven. He had a short time before despatched
his other servant, Andrew Ruthven, to ride forward
with a second message to Perth, and now coming up
close to the King, implored him to make none living
acquainted with their purpose, till he had himself
seen the fellow and the treasure. It seems to have
been at this moment that Sir Thomas Ersktne, who
had overtaken the King on the road, privately asked
Lennox how it came that Ruthven had got the King^s
ear, and carried off his Majesty from his sport ; to
which Lennox jocularly answered, " Peace man ; we
shall all be turned into gold."^ The whole party then
rode forward ; and on coming within a mile of Perth,
Ruthven, telling the King he must give warning to
his brother, galloped on before.
We must now for a moment turn to Gowrie, whom
Henderson, on his arrival at Gowrie House, found, with
two friends, in his chamber. He instantly left them,
and inquired, secretlyand earnestly, what word he had
brought from his brother : had he sent a letter; how
» Lloyd's Worthies, p. 783.
1600. JAMES VI. 349
had the King taken with the Master ; who were with
his Majesty at the hunting, matay or few ; what noble-
men, what names ? To these hurried questions Hen-
derson answered by giving the message sent by young
Ruthven : that the King would be with him inconti-
nent, and he must prepare dinner. He added, that
James had received the Master kindly, and laid his
hand on his shoulder when he did his courtesy : that
his Majesty had sundry of his own suite with him, and
some Englishmen ; and that the only nobleman he
noticed was my Lord Duke. This was at ten o'clock.^
Henderson then went to his own house, pulled off his
boots, and returned to Cowrie House about eleven,
when the earl commanded him to put on his " secret^
and plate sleeves," as he would require his assistance
to seize a Highlandman in the Shoe Gate. At half-
past twelve Gowrie took his dinner, having, as his
guests, three friends of the neighbourhood ; and as
they sat at table, Andrew Ruthven, the Master's
second messenger, entered the room, and whispered to
the earl. Soon after came the Master himself, upon
which Gowrie and his friends rose ; and now for the
first time openly alluding to the royal visit, he assem-
bled his servants, and walked to the Inch or meadow
near the town, where he met the King.
James* train did not exceed twelve or fifteen per-
sons, including Lennox, Mar, Sir Thomas Erskine,
John Ramsay his page, Dr Hugh Henries, Lords
Lindores and Inchaffray, with a few others. They
' Henderson s Declaration, Pitcaim's Crim^Tri^s, vol. ii. p. 176*.
^ A fieoret sbirt of mail worn under the clothes.
350 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1600.
wore their green huiiting-dreasesi, ftod were whoHy
without armour ; a horn Axaig over their shoulder,
and a sword or deer-knife at their girdle, being all they
carried. Gowrie's servants and followers ameunted
nearly to fourscore ; but many of these must hare
been townsmen and lookers on. On coming to Cowrie
House the King called for a drink, and was somewhat
annoyed at having to wait long for his welcome cup,
and more than an hour for his dinner. During this
interval Alexander Ruthven sent for the key of the
long room, called the Gallery Chamber, which imme^
diately adjoined the cabinet where the King dined.
At the end of this gallery was another apartment,
which opened into a circtilar rooin, formed in the
interior of a turret ; and this room, it is important to
observe, could be entered^ not only by the door at the
end of the gallery, but by another door comtnunicating
vdth a back stair or turnpike, called the Black Turn-
pike. Soon after the King had sat down to dinner,
Cowrie, who waited upon him, sent for Henderson,
and taking him aside secretly, bade him go to his
brdther in the gallery. He obeyed; found Mr
Alexander there, and almost instantly after v^as
joined by the Earl himself, who commanded him to
remain where he was, and obey the Master's orders.^
Henderson was now fully armed, all except the head :
he had noted that the tale about seizing a Highland
thief in the Shoe Gate was a false pretence; and be-
ginning to suspect some treason, asked, in an agitated
tone, " What they were about to do with him ?"
' Henderson's Declaration, Pitcairn, vol. li. p. 177-
160(X JAMES VI. 351
The only replj of Gowrie and the Master was to
point to the little chamber^ make him enter the
door, and lock him up.
All this occupied but a few minutes, and Gowrie
then returned to the King, who was sitting at his
dessert ; whilst the Duke and the rest of his suite
were dining in the next room. They had nearly
finished their repast, when James, in a bantering
manner, accused Gowrie of having been so long
in foreign parts as to have forgotten his Scot-
tish courtesies. '* Wherefore, my Lord," said he,
*' since ye have neglected to drink either to me or my
nobles, who are your guests, I must drink to you my
own welcome. Take this cup, and pledge them the
King's scoU^ in my name." Gowrie, accordingly^
calling for wine, joined the Duke and his fellows,
who were getting up from table ; and at this instant
Alexander Riithven seizing the moment when the
King was alone, whispered him that now was the
time to go. James, rising up, bade him call Sir
Thomas Erskine ; but he evaded the message, and
Erskine never received it. Lennox, too, remember-
ing the King's injunctions, spoke of following his
majesty; but Gowrie prevented him, saying, his
Highness had retired on a quiet errand, and would
not be disturbed f after which, he opened the door
leading to his pleasure-ground, and with Lennox,
Lindores, and some others, passed into the garden.
Thus really cut off from assistance, but believing that
he would be followed by Lennox or Erskine, James
1 The Kings scoll; the King's healifa.
^ Lennox's Peclamtion, Pitciurn, to], ii. p. 172,
352 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 160O
now followed Ruthven up a stair, and through a
suite of various chambers, all of them opening into
each other, the Master locking every door as they
passed ; and observing,* with a smile, that now thev
had the fellow sure enough. At last thej entered
the small round room already mentioned. On the
wall hung a picture with a curtain before it ; beside it
stood a man in armour; and as the King started
back in alarm, Ruthven locked the door, pat on
his hat, drew the dagger j&om the side of the armed
man, and tearing the curtain from the picture, showed
the well-known features of the late Earl of Gowrie,
his &ther. " Whose face is that?" said he, advanc-
ing the dagger with one hand to the King's breast,
and pointing with the other to the picture. " Who
murdered my father? Is not thy conscience bur-
dened by his innocent blood? Thou art now my
prisoner, and must be content to follow our will, and
to be used as we list. Seek not to escape ; utter but
a cry, (James was now looking at the window, and
beginning to speak ;) make but a motion to open the
window, and this dagger is in thy heart." The King
although alarmed by this fierce address, and the sud-
denness of the danger, did not lose his presence of
mind: and as Henderson was evidently no willing
accomplice, -he took courage to remonstrate with the
Master ; reminded him of the dear friendship he had
borne him; and ''as for your father's death," said
he, "I had no hand in it: it was my Council's
doing ; and should ye now take my life, what pre-
ferment will it bring you ? Have I not both sons
and daughters ? You can never be King of Scot-
1600^ JAMES VI. 353
land ; and I have many good subjects who will re-
venge my death ?" Ruthven seemed struck with this,
and swore he neither wanted his blood nor his life.
*' What racks^ it then," said the King, " that you
should not take off your hat in your Prince's pre-
sence ?" Upon this Ruthven uncovered, and James
resumed. " What crave ye, an ye seek not my life ? "
— "But a promise. Sir," was the reply. " What pro-
mise ? " — " Sir," said Ruthven, " my brother will tell
you." "Go, fetch him, then," rejoined the King;
and to induce him to obey, he gave his oath, that till
his return he would neither cry out nor open the
window. Ruthven consented ; commanded Hender-
son to keep the King at his peril ; and left the roorn^
locking the door behind him. /
James now, for a moment, had time to breathe ; and
turning to Henderson, he asked him how he came
there. The unhappy man declared he had been shut
in like a dog. Would Gowrie do him any mischief?
Henderson answered he should die first. " Open the
window, then," said James ; and scarce had this been
done, or rather when it was being done, Ruthven
broke into the room again, and swearing there was
no remedy, ran in upon the King, seized him by the
wrists, and attempted to bind him with a garter or
silk cord which he had in his hands. James, by a
strong effort, threw himself loose, exclaiming, he was
a free Prince, and would never be bound ; and Hen-
derson at this moment wrenching away the cord, the
King "leapt free," and had almost reached the wiu-
^ What racks ; what forbids.
VOL. IX. iJ A
S5A HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
dow, when Ruthven again seized him by the throat
with one hand, and thrust the other into his month
to prevent him giving the alarm. But James now
rendered desperate, and exerting his utmost strength,
dragged his assailant to the window, and throwing
his head half out, though Ruthven's hand was stiU
on his throat, cried out, '' Treason ! help ! Earl of
Mar, I am murdered !" Ruthven then dragged him
back into the chamber, upbraiding Henderson as a
cowardly villain, who would bring death upon them
all, and attempted to draw his sword, which James
prevented by grasping his right hand.^ Henderson
during this, unlocked the door of the room, and then
«tood trembling and panicHstruck, whilst a de6pend;e
wrestle continued between the King and Ruthven.
Leaving James in this struggle for life, we must
turn for an instant to Gowrie, who had led Lennox
and the other courtiers into the garden. Whilst
there, Cranston, one of his attendants, ran up, and
informed them that the King had left the castle by
the back way, and was riding over the Inch, upon
which Gowrie called to horse ; and he, Lennox, and
the rest, hurrying down the great staircase, and
shouting for their horses, some one asked the porter
in the court-yard, if the King had passed. He de-
clared he had not; and insisted in his denial, although
his master abused him as a lying varlet. Gowrie,
upon this, ran back into the house, observing to Mar,
he would ascertain the truth ; and returning within
a few minutes, assured them that the King had really
' Henderson's Declaration in Pitcaim, vol. ii. p. 178.
1600. JAMES VL 355
gone forth, and must now have mohed the South
Inch. Scarcely, however, waer this falsehood uttered^
when it was confuted ; for, at this moment, James'
loud ciy of treason and murder was heard; and,
looking up, they saw the King's face at the window
of the turret, the features red and flushed with eicer-
tion, and a hand on his throat.^ All was now horror
and confusion. Sir Thomas Erskine collared Gowrie,
exclaiming, '' Traitor, thou shalt die ! This is thy
work ! " but was felled to the ground by Andrew
Ruthven, whilst Gowrie asserted his innocence.
Lennox's first impulse was to save the King ; and
he. Mar, and some others, rushed up the great stair^
case to the hall ; but finding the door locked, began
to batter it with a ladder which lay hard by.^ Joha
Ramsay, one of the royal suite, was more fortunate.
He remembered the back entry ; and running
swiftly up the turnpike stair to the top, dashed open
the door of the round chamber with his foot, and
found himself in the presence of the King and Ruthn
yen, who were wrestling in the middle of the cham-
ber. James, with Ruthven's head under his arm,,
had thrown him down almost on his knees, whilst^
the Master still grasped the King's throat.^ Ram-
say was hampered by a hawk, a favourite bird of
James', whieh he held on his wrist ; but throwing
her off, and drawing his whinger/ be made an inef-
1 Lennox's Declaration, Pitcairn, vol. ii. p. 173. Chrietie'e
Declaration, Ibid. p. 187.
* Id. Ibid., Lindores' Declaration, Pitoaim, vol. ii. p. 181.
^ Rameay's Declaration, Pitcairn, vol. ii. p. 183.
* Whinger ; a hunting-knife.
d%6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
feotual blow at Ruthven; the King calling out to
strike low, as the traitor had on a pyne doublet*^
Ramsay then stabbed him twice in the lower part of
the body. The King making a strong effort, pushed
him backwards through the door, down the stairs;
and, at this moment, Sir Thomas Erskine and Dr
Herries rushing up the turnpike, and encountering
the unhappy youth, bleeding, and staggering upon
the steps, despatched him with their swords. As he
lay in his last agony, he turned his face to them, and
said, feebly, " Alas ! I had not the wyte o't."*
All this passed so rapidly, that Ramsay had only
time to catch a glance of a figure in armour, standing
near the King, but motionless. When he next looked,
it had disappeared. This seeming apparition was Hen-
derson, still trembling, and in amazement, from the
scene he had witnessed ; but who, seeing the door
open, glided down the turnpike, and, as it turned out,
fled instantly from the house ; passing, in his flight,
over the Master's dead body.^ At this moment, as
Erskine and Ramsay were congratulating the King,
a new tumult was heard at the end of the gallery ;
and they had scarcely time to hurry James into the
adjoining chamber, when Gowrie himself, furious
from passion, and armed with a rapier in each hand,
rushed along the gallery, followed by seven of his
servants, with drawn swords* His vengeance had
' Pyne doublet; a concealed shirt of mail worn under the clothes.
^ I had not the blame of it.
' Henderson's Declaration, Ramsay's Declaration, and Sir
Thomas Erskine's Declaration, all printed in Pitcaim, vol. ii.
p. 175-184 inclusive.
1600. JAMES VL a67
been roused to the utmost pitch, by his having
stumbled over the bleeding body of his brother ; and
swearing a dreadful oath that the traitors who had
murdered him should die, he threw himself despe-
rately upon Erskine and his companions, who were
all wounded in the first onset, and fought at great
odds, there being eight to four.^ Yet the victory
was not long doubtful; for, some one calling out
that the King was slain, Govnrie, as if paralysed
with horror, dropt the points of his weapons, and
Ramsay, throwing himself within his guard, passed
his sword through his body, and slew him on the
spot. The servants, seeing their master fall, gave
way, and were driven out of the gallery ; and Len-
nox, Mar, and the rest, who were still thundering
with their hammers on the outside of the great door>
having made themselves known to the King and his
friends within, were joyfully admitted. So effec-
tually, however, had Ruthven secured this door, that
it was only by passing a hammer through one of the
shattered boards, and with it forcibly wrenching off
the lock, that their entrance was effected. The first
thing that met their eyes was the dead body of
Gowrie lying on the fioor, and the King standing
unharmed beside it, although still breathless from
the recent struggle, and disordered in his dress. At
this moment, Graham of Balgone, one of the gentle-
men who had accompanied the King from Falkland,
^ Thomas' Robertsons Declaration, Pitoaim, vol. iL p. 196;
also, Ibid., 197, Bamsa/s Declaration, Ibid^ 183, 184 ; and Sir
Thomas E^skine's Declaration, Ibid., p. 182; William Robertson's
Declaration, Ibid., p. 197*
868 HISTORY OP SOOTLANn. 1600,
found a silk garter lying amongst the bent, or rongh
grafiS with which the floor of the round chamber was
coyered ; and James immediately recqpiised it as the
same with which Ruthven had attempted to bind his
faands.^ The King then knelt down, and, snrroiinded
by his nobles, who were ail on their knees, devontlj
thanked God for his deliverance ; and prayed that the
life which had been thus signally preserved, might be
devoted to the welfare of his people.
Scarcely, however, had they risen from their act of
gratitude, when a new danger began to threaten
them. The city bell was heard ringing, mingled
with shouts and cries of vengeance, from an im-
mense mob who beset the outside of Gowrie House,
and threatened to blow it up, and bury them in the
ruins. Andrew Ruthven and Violet Ruthven, two
near relatives of the famUy of Gowrie, had been busy
in rousing the citizens ; and, running wildly through
the streets, vented curses and maledictions on ^ the
bloody butchers" who had murdered their young Pro-
vost and his brother. Nor did many spare to threaten
the King himself; crying out, **Come down, come
down, thou son of Seignor Davie ! thou hast slain a
better man than thyself. Come down, green coats,
thieves and traitors ! limmers that have slain these
innocents. May God let never nane o* you have
such plants of your ain !"^ Amid this hubbub, and
storm of lamentation and vengeance, James ordered
the magistrates to be admitted into the house ; and
* Grahame's Declaration, Pitcaim's Criminal Trials, vol. ii. p.
184; also, p. 217.
* Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 197, 108, 1J)9.
1600. JAMES VI. 959
having informed them of all thafc had happened, com-
manded them to silence the alarum-bell, and quiet the
people on their peril ; which they at last with diffi-
culty ^eoted. He then ordered them to take care
of the dead bodies ; and on searching Gowrie's per-
son, there was found in the pocket of his doublet, a
little parchment bag full of ^' magical characters and
words of enchantment," which his tutor, Rhynd, re-
cognised as the same he had discovered him wearing
at Padua, ^ A belief in sorcery was, as is well
known, universal in these days ; and such supersti-
tious credit did both King and people give to the little
bag of cabalistic words, that they insisted that no
blood had issued from the wound till the spell was
removed from the body, after which it gushed out
profusely.
James now took horse, and, although it was
already eight in the evening, rode to Falkland amid
crowds of his subjects, who poured in from all quar-
ters to testify their joy at his escape. Next day,
the news having been brought to Edinburgh, nothing
could exceed the enthusiastic demonstrations of the
city; and the same scene was repeated, with still
louder and more affectionate welcome, when the King,
after a brief retirement at Falkland, passed over the
Forth, and entered his capital. The Cross was hung
with tapestry ; the whole city, led by the judges and
magistrates, met him on the sands at Leith; and
1 Declaration of Rhynd, Pitcaixn's Criminal Trials, vol. ii. pp.
218, 219, 220.
360. HISTORY OP SCXJTLAND. 1600.
from thence he rode in triumph, and amid an im-
mense congregation of all classes of his people, to
the Cross, where Mr Patrick Galloway preached to
the multitude, gave the story of the treason, and de-
scribed the miraculous escape of the monarch. His
seimon still remains, an extraordinary specimen of
the pulpit eloquence of the times. ^
^ Pitcaim's Criminal Trials, vol. ii. p. 248.
1600. JAMES vi. 361
CHAP. VII.
JAMES THE SIXTH.
1600—1603.
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.
Ew/Utnd, I Franef. I Oermanp. ( Spain. | Portugal I Pope.
Elizabeth. I Henry IV. I Rudolph II. I PhUipin. I Philip III. I Clement VIII.
The general gratulation manifested at the escape of
the King from the treason of Gowrie, was not with-
out its alloy. Though almost all believed in the
reality of the conspiracy, a section of the Kirk de-
murred and doubted ; and as the death of both the
brothers had involved the particulars of the plot in
extreme obscurity, the ministers not only declared it
questionable that any treason had been intended,
but, after a while, started the extravagant theory
that the plot was a conspiracy of the King against
Gowrie, not of Gowrie against the King. To
examine or refute this hypothesis, after the facts
which have been given, would be worse than idle ;
and we are not to be surprised that the incredulity
of the Kirk should have incensed the King. But James
adopted an unwise mode of refutation. Instead of
simply insisting on the great features of the story, on
the leading facts which were indisputably proved by
362 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
the evidence of Lennox, Mar, Erskine, and Ramsay,
and throwing aside all minor matters and apparent
contradictions, which, considering the rapidity, terror,
and tumult accompanying the event, confirmed rather
than weakened the proof; he forgot his dignity ; held
repeated conferences with the recusant ministers ;
argued, cavilled, remonstrated, and attempted in
vain to explain and reconcile every minute particu-
lar. The effect of all this was precisely what might
have been anticipated: Mr Robert Bruce, and his
little sceptical conclave of brethren, were quite as
ingenious in their special pleading as the King ; and
not only obstinately refused to accuse Gowrie in their
pulpits of any plot against the royal person, but in-
solently insinuated that their two favourites had been
murdered. James, finding them immoveable, banished
them from the capital; and interdicted them, under
pain of death, from preaching in any part of Scotland.
This severity brought four of the recusants, Balcan-
quel, Watson, Hall, and Balfour, to reason ; and they
declared themselves thoroughly satisfied of the truth
of Gowrie's treason. But Bruce was inexorable.
He considered that the question involved not only
the truth of the conspiracy, but the spiritual inde-
pendence of the Kirk; peremptorily refused to excul-
pate the King, or believe in his report; and was
banished to France.^ Extreme measures were then
adopted against the family of Ruthven; and in a
Parliament which assembled in the succeeding month
of November, the revolting spectacle was exhibited
* Spottiswood, p. 461.
ICOff. .TAMKSVI. Sfi3
of the trial for treason of the livid corpses of these
unhappy brothers; which, after the doom of forfeiture
had been prononnced, were hauled to the gibbet,
hanged and quartered. Their quarters were then ex-
posed in the most conspicuous places of Perth, Stirling,
and Dundee, and their heads fixed on the top of the
prison in Edinburgh* Nor was the ignominy heaped
upon the dead greater than the severity against the
living. An attempt was made, on the very night of
the catastrophe, to seize the two younger brothers of
the house, who, at the time, were living with their
unhappy mother at Dunkeld ; but a vague report of
danger had reached her, and they had escaped in
disguise, accompanied by their tutor, who brought
them in safety to Berwick.^ On the King's return
to Falkland, on the night of the 5th of August, the
sister of Gowrie, Mrs Beatrix Ruthven, who vms
maid of honour to the Queen, was dismissed and
banished from Court. By an Act of the same Parlia-
ment which inflicted the forfeiture, the very name of
Ruthven was abolished ; and the brethren and pos-
terity of the house of Gowrie declared to be for ever
incapable of enjoying inheritance, place, or dignity,
in Scotland. Such was the avidity with which
the favourites of the Court sought, for their ovra
profit, to hunt down this ill-fated family, and fulfil
the stem vrishes of the King, that but for the gener-
ous protection of England, not a male of the house of
Ruthven would have been left.
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., Scrope to Sir B. Ceci], llth
August, 1600. Ibid., same to the same, 15th August, 1600.
364 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1600.
The relations between Elizabeth and James, pre-
vious to the conspiracy, had been, we have seen, &r
from friendly ; and this connivance of the Queen at
the concealment of the young Ruthveng, with other
suspicious reports which arose immediately after the
catastrophe, created a strong impression in the mind
of the King that the plot had been fostered in England.
It was remembered that Gowrie had been admitted
inmiediately previous to the attempt, into the most
intimate confidence of the English Queen ; it was ob-
served that Rhynd, Gowrie's tutor, had been found de-
stroying letters at the moment he v^ras apprehended ;
it was reported that Nicolson, the English resident
at Edinbui^h, had been seen waiting, early on the
morning of the 6th of August, on the shore at Leith,
and had whispered to a friend who had betrayed his
secret, that he was expecting strange news from the
other side of the water. The Earl of Mar accused
Lord Wylloughby, the Governor of Berwick, to the
King, as being privy to the plot ; but his only evi-
dence seems to have been Wylloughby's intimacy
with Gowrie at the Court of England ; and this high-
minded and brave soldier deeming his character far
above such suspicion, did not condescend to confute
the charge.^ All these things, however, made an
impression. When Nicolson assured the King of his
devout thankfulness for his escape, the only answer
he received, was an incredulous smile from James;
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 6tli August, 1600.
Id. Ibid., 11th August, 1600. MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C.,
Lord Wylloughby to Cecil.
16O0. JAMES VL 365
and many of the highest rank in Scotland, and best
entitled to credit, persisted in tracing the whole con-
Bpiracj to England. Many, on the other hand, in-
sisted on the total want of all direct evidence of
Gowrie's guilt ; and as the letters of Logan of Res-
talrig had not then come to light, it was difficult to con-
fute such sceptics. Cranston, Craigengelt, and Baron,
all of them servants of Gowrie, who were executed for
their participation in the enterprise, had been exa-
mined by torture; and both in the agony of the
" boots," and afterwards on the scaffold, confessed
nothing which could implicate their unhappy master
or themselves; and the letters of Nicolson, Lord
Scrope, and Sir William Bowes, made little scruple
of throwing the chief guilt upon the King.
Amid all this obscurity, recrimination, and conjec-
ture, James despatched Captain Preston to carry an
account of his escape to Elizabeth ; and she, in her
turn, sent down Sir Harry Brunker with a singular
letter, written wholly in her own hand, which began
with congratulations, and concluded in a tone of
mingled menace and reproach. Her anger had been
raised on a subject which never failed to produce
in her mind unusual excitement — James' intrigues
as to the succession ; and after a few lines on her
joy at his escape, she attacked him in the follow-
ing bitter terms on his impatience for her death, and
the indecent haste of his preparations : —
" And tho a King I be, yet hath my funerals been
prepared, as I hear, long ere, I suppose, their labour
shall be needful ; and do hear too much of that daily.
366 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1600.
as I may have a good memorial that I am mortal:
and withall so be they, too» that make isach prepare
tion aforehand ; whereat I smile, supposing that such
facts may make them readier for it thaA I.
" Think not but how wilily soever things be cm-
ried, they are so well known that they may do more
harm to otJiers than to me. Of this my pen hath
run farther than at first I meant, when the memory
of a princess end made me call to mind such usage,
which too many countries talks of, and I cannot atop
my ears from. If you will needs know what I mean.
I have been pleased to impart to this my servant
some part thereof; to whom I vnll refer me; and
will pray God to give you grace to know what best
becomes you.
" Your loving Sister and Cousin."^
What Elizabeth here alluded to by the memory
of a prince's end is somewhat obscure ; and her Am*
bassador's explanation, to which she referred him^does
not appear: but the subjects which had especially
excited her yrrath, were James' correspondence with
the Earl of Essex, and his recent reception of Sir
Edmund Ashfield, — ^the same knight who had been
so unceremoniously kidnapped by Bowes and Gue-
vara, and Lord Wylloughby. It v^as mortifying
enough to a princess clinging, as still she did,
to the last remnant of life and glory, to know that
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Royal Letters, Scotland. Copy of
her Majesty's letter to the King of Scots, written with her own
hand, and sent by Sir Henry Brunker, 21st August, 1600.
1600. JAMES vi. 367
her subjects (as she bitterly said) '^ were looking to
the rising sun ;" but to find them in the very act of
^w^orship, chafed her to the quick ; and perhaps no-
thing weighed heavier against Essex, than his sus-
pected favour for James. There is a remarkable
paper preserved, in which Ashfield gave his opinion
to the Scottish King on the best mode of accomplish-
ing his great object ; and although no letters between
James and Essex have been discovered, there
seems to be little doubt that this unfortunate noble-
man, now a prisoner in the Tower, had engaged to
support the claim of the Scottish monarch with
the whole weight of his influence. In his advices,
Ashfield complimented James on the vnsdom and
judgment which had distinguished his policy towards
the State and people of England. It was a great
matter, he observed, that none feared his future go-
vernment, or had taken ofience at his person. He
instructed him to employ every effort to gain the
conmion lawyers, who possessed the '' gainfuUest"
offices ; were rich and politic men ; more feared than
beloved by the people, yet very powerful in the State.
He ought next, he said, to secure the clergy, who
possessed the greatest influence in the universities ;
were rich; and had most of the people, and many of the
nobility and gentry, at their devotion. He should
assure them that he had no intention of altering the
state of religion, or their livings ; which, accord-
ing to the then computation of the parishes in Eng-
land, amounted to nine thousand seven hundred
and twentynsieven. And if (Ashfield added) the
368 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 16(X>.
King declared his inclination to exempt them
from the heavy taxes which they now paid, it
would go fdr to bring over the whole body to his
service. He also advised the King to have let-
ters ready, at the time of Elizabeth's death, to some
one or two of the chiefest ** men of command" in
every shire and corporation, and promised to procore
him a list, not only of the names of such, but also of
the collectors and tellers of the Crown rents in Eng-
land, to whom he might give speedy and special
directions, by gracious letters, and win them to his
service. His last remark related to the '' citizens of
London," a body of men whom he described as rich,
strong, and well governed ; who would stand firm to
the preservation of their wealth, and keep themselves
neutral till they saw which of the competitor was
likely to prove the strongest, and how the game
would go.^
Immediately after the meeting of that Parliament,
in November, in which the forfeiture of the Gowries
took place, some unhappy differences broke out be-
tween the King and his Queen ; this Princess hav-
ing shown a deeper commiseration for the Ruthven
family than James approved of. Amongst the innu-
merable reports which had arisen, after the catas-
trophe, it had been whispered that jealousy had lent
its sting to the royal wrath. But although Anne of
Denmark was sufficiently gay and thoughtless to
give some ground for the imputation, the common
story of her passion for the Master of Ruthven, seems
i MS. Brit. MuB., Julius, F. vi. 133.
1600, JAMES VI. 360
to refit on nothing more than the merest rumour.
She imprudently had given her countenance to that
party at Court, which opposed the extreme severity
of the King. It was reported that she had secretly
sent for Beatrix Ruthven, and favoured her with a
midnight interview in the palace. She suspected
that intrigues were carrying on against her ; and, on
one occasion, if we may believe Nicolson the Envoy
of Elizabeth, was so far overcome by passion, that
she openly upbraided James with a plot for her im-
prisonment ; and warned him that he would not find
her so easy a prey as an Earl of Gowrie. The pro-
bability, however, is, that all this was much exagge-
rated by the gossiping propensities of Nicolson : for
the royal couple, whom he represented as on very
evil terms on the 31st of October, had been de-
scribed in a letter, written only two days before,
as exceedingly loving, and almost ultra-uxorious.^
In the midst of this alternate matrimonial shade and
sunshine, Anne gave birth to a prince, afterwards
the unfortunate Charles the First; whose baptism
was held, with great state and pageantry, on the 30th
of December.'
Captain Preston, James' ambassador, now return-
ed from the Court of England, and brought a
more amicable letter from the Queen than her
former ironical epistle. In speaking of Gowrie's
treason, she declared her fervent wishes, that '' the
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 28th October,
1600. Also, Ibid., same ti> same, 3l8t October, 1600.
< MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, dOth Dec., 1600.
VOL. IX. 2 B
370 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1 600-1 •
bottom of such a cankered malady should be &ihoined
to thQ uttenuost ;" and in alluding to the fioroeries
of the Earl, and the familiar apirita who were said
to wait on his will, expressed her conviction, that
'' none were left in Hell," so detestable was the trea-
son ; but this, she concluded, ought to increase his
gratitude to that Almighty Power under whose ¥ring3
no infernal assaults could reach him, m it gave
greater fervency to the Amen with which she aocom*
panied her thankfiigiving/ However involved or pe-
dantic, there was no such obsourity in this letter as
in the former ; no dark hints or menaces : and its
conciliatory tone was met by James vrith every
friendly and grateful offer of sMistance agaiivst her
enemies. He revealed to her all the secret intel-
ligence he had received from Spain, and promised hia
utmost efforts to raise a force of two thousand High-
land soldiers, to act aa auxiliaries with the English
army in Ireland.' When this proposal, however,
afterwards came before the Convention of the thrpe
Estates, many of the Highlanders and Islesmen
sternly refused to bear arms against the Irish;
a race to whom they were linked, they said, by
common descent, and a common language; whilst
the Saxons, or English, whose battles they were to
fight, had long been the bitter enemies, both of them-
selves and their Irish ancestoi*s. What impression
* MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Royal Letters. Draft copy of her
Majesty's letter to the King of Scots, sent by bis Ambaaiador,
Mr Preston, 14th September, 1600.
> Ma Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Ceoii, 4tb July, 1602.
1600-1, JAMES VL 371^
Knglish gold might have made on these patriotic
scruples is not certain ; for, before the muster could
be made, a signal victory of the Deputy, Lord
Monntjoy, over the united forces of Tyrone and the
Spaniards, rendered all foreign assistance unneces-
sary.*
The &te of Essex, who now lay a condemned pri<^
sonar in the Tower, was a subject of deep interest
to James. What negotiations had passed between
this unfortunate nobleman and the King of Scots,
it is extremely difficult to discover. No letters
from Essex to James, or from the King to Essex,
have been preserved ; at least none have been dis«
covered: and the assertion of Rapin, which has
been more or less copied by all succeeding English
historians, that James was actually a fellow con->
spirator with him in his insane project for the seizure
of the Queen's person, and that it was a part of their
plot to dethrone Elizabeth and crown James, is
utterly improbable, and supported by no evidence
whatever. That the King, in common with all who
knew him best, esteemed and admired Essex, and
that Essex had written to James after his return
from Ireland, is, however, certain ; nor is it at all im«
probable that the English earl had laboured to estrange
the Scottish monarch from Cecil, and to persuade
him that the Secretary was an enemy to his claim,
and favoured the title of the Infanta. There un-
doubtedly was a time, aa we learn from James' secret
» MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolaon to Cecil, 3d Jan., 1601-2.
Ibid., same to the same, 6th February, 1601-2.
1S72 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, 1600-1.
instructions to Bnrlie/ (whom he despatched in 1601
to the Grand Dnke of Tuscany,) when the Scot-
tish King hesitated whether it would be best to
secure the aid of the party of Essex or of Cecil id
his secret negotiations with England ; but the de-
feat and imprisonment of this unfortunate nobleman
convinced him that his case was desperate; and
there is an expression in one of James' memoranda,
from which we may infer, that to conciliate Eliza-
beth he had meanly sent her one of Essex's letters to
himself.
However this may be, the Scottish King, swnc
time before the trial of Essex, had determined to
communicate with Elizabeth, on some points where-
in he found himself aggrieved ; and he now, with
the view of interceding for his gallant and unfortu-
nate friend, despatched to London two Ambassadors,
the Earl of Mar, one of his highest and most trusted
nobles, and Mr Edward Bruce Abbot of Kinloss, a
person of great judgment and experience. They set
oflf towards the middle of February 1601,* with a
gallant suite of more than forty persons ; and on their
arrival at Berwick, were received by the Governor,
Lord Wylloughby ; who gathered from them, in the
course of their brief intercourse, that the chief object
of their mission was to congratulate the English
Queen on her escape from the treason of Essex, and
' Hailes' Cecil ConespondoDoe, p. 112.
« MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, 15th Feb., 1600-1.
Written on the day Nicolson communicated to James the intelli-
gence of the determination to execute Essex. Certain news of his
death were brought on 4 th March, 1600-1.
1600-1. JAMES VI. 376
to remonstrate against the reception and relief of
Gowrie's brothers in England/ In their conversa-
tions with this nobleman, they appear to have avoided
any allusion to the probable fate of Essex ; yet that
James had directed them to intercede for his friend
cannot be doubted. His compassion, however, came
too late ; for Essex was beheaded before the Ambas-
sadors reached London. The original instructions
for their mission have not been preserved ; but a letter
of their royal master to Mar and Kinloss, written
soon after their arrival, opens up to us much of its
secret history. The real purpose for which they
went, was to feel the pulse of the English nobility and
people on the great subject of the succession ; to se-
cure friends ; to discover and undermine opponents ;
to conciliate the Queen, and, if possible, procure from
her a more distinct recognition of James' title to the
throne : above all, to gain Secretary Cecil, who was
now at the head of the English Government, and on
whose friendly disposition James had long believed
that everything depended. Many others had been
forward in offering their assistance ; and to all he
prudently gave a cordial reception; but to Cecil
alone he looked as the man who had the game in
his hand, and whom he described in his letter of
instructions as *' King there in effect." ^
> MS. Letter, St. P. Off., B.C., Lord Wylloughby to Cecil, 22d
Feb., 1601, following the Scottish computation : 1600 the English.
> Secret Correspondence of Sir R. Cecil, by Lord Hailes, p. 12.
From a MS. Letter, St. P. Off., James Hudson to Cecil, 7th March,
1600-1, it appears the Ambassadors arrived in London early in
374 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1601.
On the first audience of Mar and KinlosS) howeren
all seemed likely to miscarry. From the coldness
and jealousy of Elizabeth, she appeared to resent
some expressions in the Kingfs sealed letter, written
wholly in his own hand, and expostulating with her,
in very decided terms, against her too easy belief of
the unjust imputations so generally circulated against
him. He declared that he was impelled by their long
friendship and her own example, to unbosom hia griefs,
and not to suffer any misconstrued thoughts against
her actions to take harbour in his heart ; for which
purpose, having already experienced the mischief
which both had suffered from the employment of in-
ferior diplomatic agents, he had now sent one of his
highest nobles, the Earl of Mar, and one of his wisest
councillors, the Abbot of Kinloss; both of them men
of known and constant affection to the continuance
of the amity between the two nations and their sove-
reigns; and whom he had fully instructed to deal
with all "that honest plainness which was the un-
disseverable companion of true friendship." ^
Their plainness, however, seems to have been rather
too much for the temper of Elizabeth, which, at no
time very amiable, was now fretted and broken by
her increasing infirmities. " Her Majesty," said Cecil
to Nicolson, "gave the Earl of Mar nothing but
negative answers ; the matters being of so sour a
March. Tlieir audience seems to have been (m the 22d of Mardi.
MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Hudson to Cecil, 21st March, 1600-1.
* St. P. Off., Royal Letters, Scotland, Janies to Elirabetb,
wholly in the King's own hand, 10th Februaiy, 1601.
1601. JAMES VT. 876
nature to the Queen, who loves neither importunity nor
expostulation. When the Ambassadors explained the
great pecuniary embarrassments of their royal master,
and his hopes that, haying done so much to assist her
against their common enemies, he now expected some
return in current coin, she met the proposal with a
haughty denial. She would give, she said, no ready
money ; but, if he continued to deserve it, his pension
should be augmented ; and in the meantime, it would
be well if he, who boasted of his services against the
common enemy, would cease all traffic with Bpain,
and receive less frequent messages from Rome. As
to Lady Lennox's lands, which he claimed so confi-
dently, he should not receive a fraction of their rents ;
his title to them, she thought, was still in nubibus; and
till he made it out more clearly, the estates were
in safe hands. For the other matters on which
they had shown themselves so importunate, they
were of too delicate and important a nature to be
suddenly handled ; and she wondered, she said, at the
boldness and perseverance with which they had press-
ed upon her, and dared to broach to her Council, so
forbidding a subject.^ This, of course, alluded to the
succession ; which, reminding her of the probability of
her near dissolution, proved unpalateable in the ex-
treme : so that the Ambassadors wtote to the King in
the lowest spirits, and strongly remonstrated with Se-
cretary Cecil on their strange reception. Nothing in the
world, they said, in addressing this minister, but their
> MS. Letter, British Moflcum, Titus, C rii. f. 124, Elizabeth
to James, 11th May, 1601.
376 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1601.
uncomfortable experience, could have persuaded than
that his royal mistress would have treated the offers
which regarded her own safety, and the weI£Euie of her
people, with so little regard ; whilst, on the other hand,
she gave so ready an ear to the enemies of their mas-
ter, and the Tile slanders which had been circulated
against hinu They must make bold to tell him, that
there was a great difference between Tigilancy and
credulity; and that it formed no part of wisdcHu,
^'ponere rumores ante salutemJ'^
It is interesting to attend to the directions which
this unpromising state of things drew firom the
Scottish King. The Ambassadors, it would appear,
had sought his instructions as to the terms in which
they ought to leave the English Queen, if she con-
tinued in this unpropitious and distant temper.
^' As to your doubt," said he, ^' in what sort to leave
there,^ it must be according to the answer you receive
to the former demands: for if ye be well satisfied
therein, then must ye have a sweet and kind parting ;
but if ye get nothing but a flat and obstinate denial,
which I do surely look for, then are ye, in both the
parts of your commission, to behave yourself thus : —
'' First, ye must be the more carefid, since ye come
so little speed in your public employment with the
Queen, to set forward so much the more your pritate
negotiation with the country ; and if ye see that the
people be not in the highest point of discontentment,
> MS. Letter, British Museum, Caligula, D ii. L 470, Eari of
Mar and ^\i Bruce Abbot of Kidoss to Secretary Cecil, 29tli
April, 1601.
^ To leave tbere, t>., in what terms yoa take your leare.
1601. JAMES VI. 377
(whereof I already spake,) then must ye, hy your
labours with them, make your voyage at least not all
utterly unprofitahle; which doth consist in these
points : Firsts to ohtain all the certainty ye can of
the town of London, that in due time they will fa-
vour the right ; Nea^U to renew and confirm your ac-
quaintance with the Lieutenant of the Tower ; Third-
ly^ to ohtain aa great a' certainty as ye can of the
fleet, by the means of Lord Henry Howard's nephew,
and of some sear-ports ; FowrtJily^ to secure the hearts
of as many noblemen and knights as ye can get deal-
ing with, and to be resolved what every one of their
parts shall be at the great day ; FiflMy^ to foresee
anent^ armour for every shire, that against that
day my enemies have not the whole commandment
of the armour, and my friends only be unarmed;
SUthly^ that, as ye have written, ye may distribute
good seminaries^ through every shire, that may never
leave working in the harvest until the day of reaping
come ; and generally to leave all things in such cer-
tainty and order, as the enemies be not able, in the
meantime, to lay such bars in my way as shall make
things remediless, when the time shall come.
" Now, as to the terms ye shall leave in with the
Queen, in case of the foresaid flat denial, let your be-
haviour ever be with all honour, respect, and love to
her person ; but, at your parting, ye shall plainly de-
clare unto her, that she cannot use me so hardly as it
shall be able to make me forget any part of that love
that I owe to her as to my nearest kinswoman ; and
1 i. €, BegardiDg. ' Secret agents.
378 HISTORY 01* SCOTLAKD. 1601.
that the greatest revenge I shall ever take of her
shall be to pray to God to open her eyes and to let her
see how far she is wronged by such base instmments
about her, as abuse her ears ; and that although I
shall never give her occasion of grief in her time, yet
the day may come when I shall crave an account at
them of their presumption, when there will be no bar
betwixt me and them."^
Nothing could be more manly and judicious than this
advice to his Ambassadors ; nothing was more fitted to
raise hischaracter in the eyes of theQueen herself than
a line of conduct at once affectionate and firm. Nor were
his sentiments and instructions less sound with regard
to Secretary Cecil, and those other powerful nobles
whom he, at this time, suspected of hostility to his
claim, and from whom he had expected better things.
" You shall plainly declare," said he, "to Mr Secre-
tary and his followers, that since now, when they
are in their kingdom, they will thus misknow me,
when the chance shall turn I shall cast a deaf ear to
their requests : and whereas now I would have been
content to have given them, by your means, a preas-
surance of my favour, if at this time they had pressed
to deserve the same; so now they, contemning it, may
be assured never hereafter to be heard, but all the
Queen's hard us^e of me to be hereafter craved at
their hands."*
This last menace, however, was wholly unneces-
sary. Cecil, whose prudence had led him, for some
1 Hailes Secret Correspondence of Sir R. Cecil, p. 9.
2 Ibid., pp. 8, 9, 10.
1601. JAMES VI. 379
years past, to keep aloof from the King of Scots, and
to conciliate the favour of his royal mistress, by taming
a deaf ear to all proposals from that suspected quar-
ter, was too acute a courtier, and too keenly alive to
his own interest, not to discern the exact moment
when perseverance in this principle would have been
visited with the total ruin of his power. That moment
had now arrived. Elizabeth's health was completely
shattered; and however earnestly she struggled to
conceal the truth from herself, or to assume her usual
gaiety before her people, it was but too evident that
after her long and proud walk of glory and strength,
her feet were beginning to stumble upon the dark
mountain, and that the time could not be very far
distant when the silver cord must be loosed and the
golden bowl be broken. With this prospect before
him, Cecil opened, with extraordinary caution, and
the most solemn injunctions and oaths of conceal-
ment,^ a negotiation with Mar and Kinloss; and
James, who had hitherto suspected him, not only
welcomed the advances, but soon gave him his full
confidence, and intrusted everything to his manage-
ment and address. How all this was effected, what
were the steps which led from distrust to reconcilia-
tion, and from this to undoubting and almost exclu-
sive confidence, cannot be ascertained ; but two facts
are certain and full of meaning : the first, that
Cecil, as appears by a paper preserved at Hatfield,
advanced ten thousand pounds out of his own pocket
* Ilailes' Secret Correspondence of Sir R. Cecil, pp. 190, 191 ;
also, pp. 202, 203.
380 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1601.
to James, which was never repaid ; the second, that
this able diplomatist, from being first minister to
Elizabeth, upon the death of his mistress stepped at
once, without question or opposition, into the same
high office under James.
Meanwhile the Scottish Ambassadors profited by
this secret influence; and acting under the instructions
of one who had the deepest insight into the character
of the Queen and the state of the country, were able
to follow out their instructions with infinitely jgreater
success than on their first arrival. After a residence
of three months in England,^ they returned to James
in the beginning of June ; and although all had not
succeeded to the extent of his wishes, the assurances
which they brought from Elizabeth were friendly and
encouraging. She expressed her astonishment, in-
deed, that the King should have again pressed upon
her the same disagreeable matter, on which she had
hoped he was already satisfied. It was a bold thing,
she said, for any subject of hers to communicate
with the King of Scots on so great a cause, without
her privity ; and he had done well to address her
openly : for he might assure himself that she alone
could do him good : all byways would turn to dust
and smoke. As to his griefs, to which he alluded in
his letter, her conscience acquitted her of every ac-
tion which should give him the slightest annoyance ;
yet she took it kindly that he had unbosomed them,
and had sent her so ''well-chosen a couple " as Mar
and Kinloss. Her letter concluded with this wam-
1 From about February 20ih till June 2d, 1601.
1601- JAMES VI. 381
ing, embodied in her usual style of mystery and inu-
endo:
''Let not shades deceive you, which may take
away best substance. ♦ ♦ ♦ An upright de-
meanour bears ever more poise than all disguised
shows of good can do. Remember, that a bird of
the air, if no other instrument, to an honest King
shall stand instead of many feigned practices, to
utter aught that may any wise touch him. And so
leaving my scribbles, with my best wishes that you
scan what works becometh best a King, and what
in end will best avail him, (I rest) your loving sister,
that longs to see you deal as kindly as I mean."^
Elizabeth's last Parliament met (October 27;)
and the Queen, although utterly unable for the exer-
tion, insisted on opening it in person, and with unusual
pomp ; but she fainted under the weight of the royal
robes, and would have fallen to the ground, if some
gentlemen at hand had not caught her in their amis.^
The Irish war, and the necessity of a large subsidy
to support it, formed the great business for which
Parliament had assembled ; and the Queen had deter-
mined to avail herself of James' recent offer, to send
her a body of Highland auxiliaries from the Isles.
Lord Mountjoy,* the Deputy, was still surrounded by
difficulties. He had to hold out, not only against the
I MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Royal Letters, Scotland. Indorsed,
Copy of Her Majesty's letter to the King of Scots, written with
her own hand. See, also, her public letter under the Privy Seal,
delivered to the Ambassadors on their return, MS. Brit Mus.,
Titus, C. vii., fol. 124, dated 11th May, 1601.
^ Ilailes' Secret Correspondence of Sir K. Cecil, p. 26,
382 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1601 •
native Irish, led by O'Neill, but against a force of
four thousand Spaniards, who had effected a landing
at Kinsale, under Don Juan D'Aguilar. To these
dangers, threatening England from without, was
added the deep discontent of the people at home ;
who were groaning under that monstrous and op-
pressive system of monopolies, which had raised the
prices of all the necessaries of life to an exorbitant
amount. By a monopoly we are to understand a
royal patent, which conveyed to some individual the
right of exclusively selling any particular commodity;
and the power of granting such, the Queen claimed,
and justly, as a part of her royal prerogative. But
she had now carried the practice to a grinding and
ruinous extent. The patentee, if he did not exercise
the privilege himself, disposed of it to another ; and,
in either case, all inferior venders, whether in whole^
sale or retail, were compelled to pay him a high
yearly premium, which, of course, fell eventually on
the consumer. This abuse had gone on increasing
since the seventeenth year of the Queen's reign; who
had found it a convenient way of paying a debt, or
satisfying an importunate courtier or creditor, with-
out drawing upon her own privy purse, or risking
her popularity by direct taxation.^ • It was to the
deep and general discontent occasioned -by this, that
King James had alluded in his secret instructions to
Mar and Kinloss, when he advised them to discover
whether the impatience and disgust of the country
had increased to such a height that they were un-
' Lingard's History of England, vol. Tiii. p. 380.
1601. JAMES VI. 888
willing to keep on terms any longer with Prince or
State. In which case, he observed, it would be a pity
not to declare himself openly in their favour, or to
suffer them to be overthrown for lack of good back<>
ing:^ a sentence, by the way, which proves that
Elizabeth had good ground for her jealousy of the
intrigues of the Scottish King with her subjects^
But on the arrival of Mar and KinlosSi they soon
discovered that the execrations of the people were
directed rather against the Minister Cecil and the
Government, than against the Queen herself; and
when Parliament met, and the subject of the Irish
war was brought before the Commons, it was soon
seen that they knew perfectly how to make this d\&*
tinction. The safety of the country and the honour
of the Queen demanded that they should make every
sacrifice to bring the Irish war to a speedy and sue*
cessful termination; and for this purpose they agreed
to one of the largest grants that had been given
during this long reign ; voting at once four subsidies,
and eight tenths and fifteenths, for the expense of
the war :^ but on the odious grievance of monopolies
they were firm. Cecil's coach, in going to parliament,
had been surrounded by an infuriated mob, which
assailed him vrith curses, and threatened to tear him
to pieces. It was time, therefore, to take the alarm ;
and the Queen, who, however obstinate with her
ministers, never struggled beyond the proper point
with her people, sent for the speaker of the Com-
mons, and declared her resolution to abolish the
^ Hailes' Secret Correspondenoe, pp. 2, 3. ' Ibid., p. 26.
884 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1601-2.
whole system.^ This announcement was received
with the utmost joy ; the Queen regained her popu-
larity; and soon after this, the total defeat of Tyrone
and his Spanish auxiliaries, the successful termination
of the war in Ireland, and the destruction of the Span-
ish galleys, under Spinola, by a combined squadron of
the English and Dutch, shed a farewell ray of glory
over the last year of her reign. It was now no longer
necessary for Elizabeth to court the assistance of
James, or to keep in pay the hardy mercenaries of
the Scottish Isles : her kingdom was at peace ; and re-
suming her progresses and her gaieties, she strutted
to overcome or defy her increasing infirmities; rode
to the chase; had country dances in the Privy
Chamber; selected a new favourite, in the young
Earl of Clanricard ; and seemed wholly given up to
disport, at a time when it v^as apparent to every one
that her hours had been far better spent in retirement
from the world, and preparation for that la^t scene,
which the greatest Prince, as well as the meanest
subject, must act alone.^
There had been some expectation in Scotland that
the question of the succession was to have been agi-
tated in the late Parliament; and the arrival of
James' favourite, the Duke of Lennox, at the Court
of England, at the moment of its being assembled,
seems to have excited the suspicions of the Queen ;^
" Lingard, vol. viii. pp. 380, 381.
^ Lord Henry Howard to the Earl of Mar, Sept, 1602, Hmles*
Cecil Correspondence, pp. 231, 233.
' Lord Henry Howsurd to the Earl of Mar, Nov., 22, ICOl,
Hailes* Correspondence of Sir B. Cecil, p. 16.
1602. JAMES VL 385
bat this nobleman, although certainly sent by the
King of Scots chiefly to watch over his interests and
confirm those secret friendships with which he was
strengthening himself, acted with much prudence,
paid his court effectually to the English Queen, and
lulled all resentment by his frank offer to lead the
Scottish auxiliaries against the Spaniards and the
Irish. New and alarming reports of the continued
preparations of Philip the Third having recently
reached the Queen, she waj9 particularly gratified by
the secret information which James had transmitted
her on the subject, and by the readiness with which
he had permitted Lennox to volunteer his services.
These, however, she declined; declaring that she
would never consent to hazard so valuable a life in
so perilous an enterprise, and dismissing him with
the most flattering marks of her approbation.^
During the Duke's residence in England, his chief
care seems to have been to conciliate that party in
the State which was opposed to Cecil, and whom this
crafty minister represented as inimical to James. It
was led by the Earl of Northumberland, Sir Walter
Raleigh, and Lord Cobham. Lord Henry Howard,
the agent of Cecil, in his secret correspondence
with the King of Scots, laboured to persuade that
monarch that this faction were little to be trusted,
without weight in the country, and altogether despe-
rate, false, and reckless men. The great object of
Cecil and Howard was to exalt their own power and
> MS. St. P. Off., Copy of the time. Royal Letters, Scotland,
Elizabeth to Jaiiies, 2d December, 1601.
VOL. IX. 2 C
386 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1602.
services, and to depreciate every other instrument to
whom James might deem himself indebted; and
never was there a more revolting picture than that
presented by the secret correspondence of these two
politicians with their future sovereign. To the King
himself, Lord Henry's flattery almost borders upon
blasphemy.^ On all others, except Cecil and his
confidants, he pours out an unceasing flood of abuse,
slander, bitterness, and contempt ; and to that great
Princess whom they had idolized in her palmy days,
and whose sun was now sinking in sorrow, there is
not given a single sigh of regret, not a solitary
glance of sympathy. It has been attempted to de-
fend Cecil from being participant in these intrigues,
by asserting that the correspondence is not his, and
that he is not responsible for the letters of Lord
Henry Howard ; but the argument will not bear exa-
mination. It is true, indeed, that he neither signed
nor indited the letters ; but he dictated them : he read
and approved of them ; he despatched them ; he was
present when the answers were received ; he opened
the packet which contained them ; and King James,
when he replies, either in his own person or through
' He is .the apple of the Eternal eye ; the most ^^ inestimable
King James, whom neither death nor life, nor angebf, nor princi-
palities, nor powers, shaU separate from the affection and rows
they have, next to the sovereign possessor, vowed to him; the re-
doubted monarch, of whose matchless mind tiord Henry thinks,
as God's lieatenant on earth, with the same reverence and awe
which he owes to God himself when he is on his knees." — Hailes*
Secret Correspondence of Sir Robert Cecil, pp. 154, 168, 170,
194, 233.
1602. JAMES VI. 387
Mr Brace his late ambassador, addresses Howard
as the mere organ of Cecil. To have written in his
own person, or to have given Lord Henry Howard
any unlimited conunission which should have made
Cecil responsible for every sentiment uttered by this
prince of flatterers, would have been far too bungling
and dangerous an expedient for so profound a politi-
cian, so accomplished a lover of mystery and intelli-
gence as this Statesman. But every letter in the
correspondence shoWs that a finer system was adopt-
ed, which insured safety to the minister in the event
of detection, and yet interfered with none of the ad-
vantages of success; by which Howard, although
fully instructed beforehand by Cecil, expressed him-
self as if he acted alone, and at his own risk. It
has been said, also, that the real letters of Cecil to
James are preserved at Hatfield, amongst the archives
of his noble descendant, and contain nothing discred-
itable to the Secretary. But these, probably, were let-
ters of mere ceremony and general goodwill, which
Cecil despatched by the common opportunities, and
cared not who should intercept or read; nay, it is
quite possible that, in the intricate spirit of the diplo-
macy of these times, they were written to be inter-
cepted, and for the purpose of lulling suspicion by the
innocence of their contents. At all events, nothing
could be more secretly or adroitly managed than the
whole correspondence between Howard, Cecil, and
the Scottish King. No one had the least suspicion
of the secret understanding that existed between the
trio. In England, the Secretary appeared wholly en-
SS8 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1601-2.
grossed with public affairs, and so exclusively de-
voted to his royal mistress, that many wondered
at his indifference to James, whilst he was in truth
bis sole adviser. When the subject of the succession
was openly canvassed ; when all were looking to Scot-
land, and Cecil seemed to stand aloof, and, if the
subject were forced upon him, spoke of the King of
Scots with a coldness and indifference which blinded
the most acute : James, on the other hand, acted his
part with admirable dexterity ; praised Cecil for his
fidelity to his royal mistress; and affected great
doubt whether he would eventually turn out his friend
or his opponent.
On one point, however, Sir Robert and Lord
Henry mistook the character of their royal corre-
spondent. To enhance their own services and destroy
their rivals, they insisted on the absolute necessity
of the King following out the precise plan which
they had sketched out for him, and declining all
offers of assistance but what came through them-
selves. Northumberland, Raleigh, Shrewsbury, Cob-
ham, were, according to their representations, utterly
unworthy of credit ; and were secretly engaged in
courses which proved them to be bitterly opposed to
his claim. To write to them, or to encourage any
persons whatever who were not pointed^ out by his
worthy and faithful Cecil, would, according to Lord
Henry's opinion, be the extremity of folly, and might
in a moment overthrow all the fair fabric of their
hopes. Nay, they had the boldness to proceed far-
ther ; and not only attempted to work on the fears
1601-2. JAMES VI. 38d
and suspicions of the Scottish King, by warning him
of his enemies in England, but threw out dark and
mysterious hints of treasonable intrigues in his own
Court, and even presumed to tutor him as to his con-
duct to his Queen. Anne of Denmark, they hinted, was
a worthy Princess, yet a woman^ and easily deceived
by flatterers, who, for their own ends, were doing all
they could to thwart the only measures which could
guide him, under the pilotage of his worthy Cecil, to
the haven where he would be. James, however, was
not to be so cozened. He detected the selfishness of
such conduct ; called upon them, if they really knew
of any plots against his life or his rights, to speak
out with the manly openness of truth, and have done
with dark inuendoes. Following his own judgment,
he treated with contempt their prohibition as to
" secret correspondents ;" wrote to Northumberland,
accepting with warmth and gratitude his offers of
service ; welcomed with courtesy and goodwill all
who made advances to him ; and took care that Lord
Henry Howard should know that he considered the
language used regarding his Queen as a personal in-
sult to himself. The two cunning statesmen, who
had outwitted themselves in their desire to monopo-
lize power and destroy their competitors, were as-
tounded ; and Lord Henry's apology to his inesti-
mable King James, was as abject as his object had
been mean and selfish.
James' greatest difllculty was with the Catholics,
a powerful party in England ; yet regarded by
the Queen, and the Protestant body of her sub-
390 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1601-2.
jects, with so much suspicion, that it was almost
equally dangerous to his hopes to conciliate, or to
practise severity. But, happily for this Prince, they
were at this moment weakened by divisions ; and the
great question of the " succession," which had been
keenly debated amongst the English Catholic exiles
abroad, had eventually split them into two parties:
the Spanish faction led by the celebrated Father
Persons, the author of the famous Treatise on the
Succession, published under the fictitious name of
Doleman ; and their opponent faction led by Paget.
The first party had espoused the cause of the In-
fanta. It was to support her claim, as descended
from John of Gaunt, son of Edward the Third, that
the book on the succession had been written : and as
long as this Princess continued single, and there was
a chance of her marrying the King of Scots, or some
English nobleman, it was thought not impossible
that the English people might be reconciled to her
accession. Her marriage, however, with the Arch-
duke Albert, rendered the prospect desperate ; and
Persons, her champion, who had now deserted the
Court of Spain, and removed to Rome, abandoned
her cause, and confined his efforts, and those of his
party, to the succession of a Catholic Prince.^ Who
this should be, he declared was a matter, to him, of
indifference ; but many of his supporters in England
looked to Arabella Stewart, the cousin-german of
James ; and had formed a visionary project for her
1 Lingard's Hist, of England, vol. viii., fourtli edition, p. 388.
Letter of Father Persons to the Earl of Angus, 4th Jan., 1600.
1601-2. JAMES VI. 391
oonversion to Rome, and her marriage with the
Cardinal Famese, also a descendant of John of
Gannt.^ It wa£i, perhaps, to this wild scheme that
the Scottish King alluded, when he lamented that
Arabella had been lately moved, by the persuasion of
Jesuits, to change her religion :^ but there is no evi-
dence that Persons, who had much influence with
his party in England, ever believed it practicable ;
and the publication of James' ^' Basilicon Doron,"
appears to have given a new turn to the ideas of
this devoted Catholic, and to have persuaded him,
that a Prince who could express himself with so
much catholicity on some points, would, in time,
'^ auffer himself to be guided to the truth on all."
There is a remarkable letter still preserved, in which
Persons, writing from Rome, describes his having
read some passages of the '^ Basilicon" to the Pope,
who, he says, could scarcely refrain from shedding
tears of joy, in hearing them. '' May Christ Je-
sus," exclaimed Persons, ^^ make him a Catholic ! for
he would be a mirror to all Princes of Christen-
dom."^
All this rendered the Spanish faction faa less
bitter than before in their feelings towards the
Scottish King ; whilst their opponents, the English
Catholic exiles, who were led by Paget, having all
^ Lingard's Hist, of England, vol. viii., fourth edition, p. 489.
Letter of Father Persons to the Earl of Angus, 4th Jan., 1600.
' Hailes' Secret Correspondence of Sir Robert Cecil, p. 118.
* Ma Brit. Mus., Julius, F. yi., f. 142. Persons to T. H.,
from Rome.
392 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1602.
along contended tbat Mary Queen of Soots was
the rightful heir of the English Crown, oonsidered,
as a matter of course, that her title vested, after
her death, in her son. To him, therefore, they pro-
fessed their readiness, on the death of Elizabeth,
to transfer their allegiance : from him they looked,
in return, for some alleviation of their sufferings,
some toleration of their religion. And so keen were
their feelings against the Spanish faction, that at
the time Persons advocated the cause of the Infanta,
he and his supporters met with no more determined
enemies than the English Catholic exiles.^ So for
did they carry this hostility, that they entered into a
secret correspondence with their own government,
and lowered themselves by becoming spies and in-
formers against their brethren.^
It was the anxious desire of the King of Scots
to conciliate both these parties. One great argu-
ment in Persons' ''Conference on the Succession,'*
which contended that heresy must be considered
an insurmountable ground of exclusion, was evi-
dently directed against him ; and had formerly given
rise to a mission of Pourie Ogilvy, a Catholic baron,
whom he sent, in 1595, into Italy and Spain. At
Venice, and at Ronie, this Envoy, acting, as he as-
serted, by the secret instructions of the King of
Scots, represented his royal master as ready to be
instructed in the Catholic faith, and to give a for
vourable and candid hearing to its expounders.
' LiDgard 8 Hist, of Eoglaud, vol. viiL, fourth ed., pp. 390, 3.91.
^ Linganl, Id. Ibid.
1602. JAMES VI. - 393
On proceeding into Spain, Ogilvy's flight was bolder,
and the promises held out more tempting and decided.
The King of Scots, he said, was determined to re-
venge the injuries and insults offered him by the
Queen of England, and eagerly desired the coopera-
tion of Philip. Why then should their majesties not
enter into a treaty ? His master, for his part, would
become Catholic, establish the true &ith in his do-
minions, and send his son, as a hostage for his since-
rity, to be educated at the Court of Spain. In re-
turn, he required from Philip a renunciation of his
claims upon the English Crown, an advance of
500,000 ducats, and an auxiliary force of 12,000
men. Philip, however, looked with suspicion on the
Ambassador, who had been observed to haunt with
Paget and his friends in the Low Countries. His
veracity, his credentials, even his religion, were dis-
puted ; and although treated with outward courtesy
by the Spanish monarch, he received little encourage-
ment.
But James, who had a strong predilection for these
mysterious missions, was not cast down; and re-
turned to the attack. In September 1596, a second
Envoy, named Drummond, who alleged that he was
employed by James, repaired to the Papal Court, and
carried with him a letter from the King to Clement
the Eighth, in which he suggested that the residence
of a Scottish Minister at the Court of Rome would
have the best effects ; and proposed that Drummond
Bishop of Vaison, a Scotsman by birth, should be
selected for that purpose. The Ambassador proposed
394 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1602.
also, in the King's name, that the young Prince Heniy,
his eldest son, should be brought up in the Catholic
faith,and offered to place his castle of Edinburgh in the
hands of the Catholics.^ It is extremely difficult to
discover how much, or how little truth there was in
these alleged intrigues of the Scottish King. Ogilvy,
undoubtedly, acted not only as an Envoy of James,
but a spy of Cecil ; and James, when challenged
by Elizabeth's Ambassador, Sir Henry Brunker, as to
his letter to Clement, declared in the most pointed
and solemn manner, that he never wrote, or trans-
mitted, such a document to Rome. The letter, how-
ever, was subsequently produced, and published by
Cardinal Bellarmine. It undoubtedly bore the King's
signature ; and, after a rigid inquiry. Lord Balmerino,
the Scottish Secretary of State, a Catholic, and near
relative of the Bishop of Vaison, confessed that he
had smuggled in the obnoxious epistle amongst a
crowd of other papers ; and that the King, believing
it to be a matter of form, like the rest, had signed it
without glancing at its contents. This story, how-
ever, did not itself obtain belief. It was alleged that
Balmerino had consented to become the scape-goat,
that he might shelter his royal master; and the
leniency of his punishment, for so daripg an act, con-
firmed the suspicion. But, on whatever side the
truth may be, this secret intercourse produced a fa-
vourable feeling in the great body of the Catholics
towards the King of Scots. The impression in his
favour was universal amongst all parties in Eng-
I liailes' Secret Correspondence of Sir R. CecD, pp. 157, 158.
1602. JAMES VI. 395
land; and Howard assured the Earl of Mar^ in a let-
ter written in the summer of 1602, that all men
spoke as freely and certainly of the succession of the
King of Scots, as if they were about to take the oath
of allegiance to him in hts own capital.^
It remained only for James to take heed that no
storms or commotions at home, should disturb this fair
weather in England. And here, too, his happy star
prevailed ; and his efforts to extinguish those dread-
ful dissensions amongst his nobility, which, for many
years, had exposed the country to all the horrors of
private war, were at last successful. The Earls of
Argyll and Huntly were reconciled, and their friend-
ship cemented by the betrothment of Argyll's daugh-
ter to Huntly's son.^ The Duke of Lennox, and the
party of the Scottish Queen, were induced to forget
their deadly differences with the Earl of Mar ; and,
last of all, that obstinate and far-ramifying blood-
feud between the great houses of Murray and
Huntly, which had now, for more than forty years,
torn and depopulated some of the fairest portions of
the country, was brought to an end by the firm and
judicious arbitration of James. This success, and the
extraordinary calm with which it was accompanied,
occasioned the utmost joy throughout the country ;
and Nicolson, the English resident, informed Cecil
that nothing was now heard at Court but the voice
of festivity and gratulation; the nobility feasting
each other, consorting like brethren, and all united
' Hailes Secret Correspondence of Sir Robert Cecil, p. 1 27*
« MS. St. P. Off., Nicolson to Cecil, Ist February, 1602.
396 HISTOHY OP SCOTLAND. 1602.
in one loving bond for the surety and service of the
King.^
Amid these happy reconcilements, the King of
Spain intimated to James his desire to send him an
Ambassador; and Drummond Bishop of Vaison,
solicited permission to visit his native country. The
King of France, also, in great secrecy, proposed a
new league with Scotland, with the object of strength-
ening himself against Spain ; but as Henry added
nothing as to including England, the Scottish King
seized the opportunity to convince Elizabeth of his
fair dealing. He accordingly despatched Roger
Ashton with a full account of all his foreign negoti-
ations ; made her participant of his secret intelligence
from Spain; communicated the private offers of Henry
the Fourth ; and, expressing his deep gratitude for her
steady friendship, requested her advice regarding the
answers he should send to France and Spain.* The
Queen, in reply, cautioned him against putting implicit
trust in the promises of the French King, whose sm-
cerity she doubted. " Let others promise,*' said she,
" and I will do as much with truth as othera with
wiles." However, it would do little harm, she ob-
served, to put Henry to the test ; and for her part
she would make one of any league that was proposed.
As to secrecy and taciturnity, he might thoroughly
depend upon her : her head might fail, but her tongue
1 MS. Letter, St. P. Off., Nicolson to Sir Robert Cecil, 1st
February, 1602.
2 MS. Letters, St. P. Off., Royal Letters, Scotland, Elizabeth
to James, 4th July, 1602.
1602. JAM£svi. , 397
never.^ It was on this proposal of Philip, which came
somewhat suspiciously about the same time as the
Bishop of Vaison's offered visit, that Elizabeth ad-
dressed, in the beginning of January 1602-3, her last
confidential letter to James. It was written entirely
with her own hand, now so tremulous from age as
to make the characters almost illegible ; but there
was nothing of weakness or irresolution in the senti-
ments. It is here given entire: dated the 5th
January, 1603, eleven weeks before her death ; which
makes it probable that it was amongst the last let-
ters of importance she ever wrote : —
" My veey good Brother, — It pleaseth me not a
little that my true intents, without gloses or guiles,
are by you so gratefully taken ; for I am nothing of
the vile disposition of such as, while their neighbours'
houses is, or likely to be a-fire, will not only not help,
but not afford them water to quench the same. If
any such you have heard of towards me, God grant
he remember it not too well for them ! For the Arch-
duke : alas, poor man, he mistaketh everybody like
himself, (except his bonds,) which, without his bro-
ther's help, he will soon repent.
" I suppose, considering whose apert^ enemy the
King of Spain is, you mil not neglect your own
honour so much to the world (though you had no
particular love to me) as to permit his Embassador
in your land, that so causelessly prosecutes such a
Princess as never harmed him ; yea, such a one as
1 Eliatbeib to James, Boyal Letters, St. P. Off., 4tk Jiily, 1602.
* " A pert," ojien.
398 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1603.
(if his deceased father had been rightly informed) did
better merit at his hands than any Prince on earth
ever did to other. For where hath there been an
example that any one King hath ever denied so fair
a present, as the whole seventeen provinces of the
Low Countries ? yea, who not only would not have
denied them, but sent a dozen gentlemen to warn
him of their sliding from him, with offer of keeping
themfromthe near neighbours'hands, andsent treasure
to stay the shaking towns from lapse. — Deserved I
such a recompense as many a complot both for my
life and kingdom ? Ought not I to defend and bereave
him of such weapons as might invade myself? He
vrill say, I help Holland and Zealand from his hands.
No. If either his father or himself would observe
such oath, as the Emperor Charles obliged himself,
and so in sequel his son, — I would not [have] dealt
with others' territories ; but they hold these by such
covenants, as not observing, by their own grants they
are no longer bound unto them. But though all this
were not unknown to me, yet I cast such right rea-
sons over my shoulder, and regarded their good, and
have never defended them in a wicked quarrel ; and,
had he not mixed that Government, contrary to his
own law, with the rule of Spaniards, all this had not
needed.
"Now for the warning the French gave you of
Veson*s embassage. To you, methinks, the King
(your good brother) hath given you a cmeat^ that
being a King he supposes by that measure you would
deny such offers. And since you will have my coun-
1603- JAMES VI. 399
sel, I can hardly believe that (being warned) your
own subject shall be suffered to come into your realm,
from such a place, to such intent. Such a Prelate
(if he came) should be taught a better lesson than
play so presumptuous and bold a part, afore he know
your good liking thereof, which I hope is far from
your intent : so will his coming verify to much good
Mr Symple's asseverations at Rome, of which you
have or [ere] now been warned enough.
" Thus you see how to fulfill your trust reposed in
me, which to infringe I never mind, I have sincerely
made patent my sincerity ; and though not fraught
with much wisdom, yet stuffed with great good will.
I hope you will bear with my molesting you too long
with my scrattinge hand, as proceeding from a heart
that shall be ever filled with the sure affection of
" Your loving and friendly Sister.'*^
Nothing, certainly, could be more friendly than this
advice ; and James, who was convinced that every-
thing was now prepared for his pacific succession,
and that he had no longer anything to dread, either
from aspirants abroad or intrigue and conspiracy at
home, waited quietly for the event which should put
him in possession of his hopes. Nor had he long to
wait. Only ten days after her last letter, Elizabeth
caught a severe cold at Whitehall ; and as she had
been warned by Dr Dee, her astrologer, to beware of
1 MS. Letters, St. P. Off., Royal Lettets, Scotland. Indorsed
5th January, copy of her Majesty's Letter to the King of Scots,
written with her own hand. It is now printed for the first time.
400 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1603.
that palace, she exposed herself to a removal to Rich-
mond in stormy weather, and after a slight amendment
became worse. Up to this time she had stru^led
sternly and strongly against every symptom of increas-
ing weakness. It had long been evident to all about
her that, since the death of Essex, her mind and con-
stitution had been perceptibly shattered. Her tem-
per was entirely broken; and, in spite of every
effort to defy it, a deep melancholy, and weariness of
life, had fixed upon her. But although this was ap-
parent to near observers,^ to the world she kept up
appearances ; and continued her usual fetes and diver-
sions, interrupted by sudden fits of silence, abstract
tion, and tears.' At last, the effort was too much ;
the bow, bent to its utmost endurance, snapt asunder;
and her lion heart, and strong energetic frame, sunk
at once into a state of the most pitiable and helpless
weakness. Every effort to rouse her was ineffectual.
She would take neither medicines nor nourishment ;
her sleep entirely forsook her, and a low hectic fever
seemed to be wasting her by inches ; whilst she com-
plained of a heavy load upon the heart, which made
her sigh almost incessantly, and seek, in vain, for
relief in a restless change of position. These sad
symptoms increased to such a degree in theb^imung
of March, that the physicians pronounced lier case
hopeless ; and it was deemed right to send for the
' Letter of Sir John Harrington, quoted in Dr Lingard's His-
tory, vol. viii. p. 394.
' Birch'fl Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 505. Harrington's Nugao Anii-
quse, pp. 317, 318.
1603- JAMES VI. 401
Council^ who arrived at Richmond on the 18th of
March ; and anticipating her speedy dissolution, took
such measures as were thought necessary, in that
event, to secure the public tranquillity. With this
object, it was resolved, that the Lord High AdmiraK
Howard Earl of Nottingham, the only member of the
Council whose presence seemed to give comfort to the
dying Queen ; Cecil, the Secretary of State ; and the
Lord keeper, should remain at Richmond; whilst the
rest of the Council repaired to Whitehall. Orders,
at the same time, were issued to set a guard upon
the Exchequer ; to arrest and transport to Holhind
all suspicious characters found lurking in London
and Westminster ; to furnish the Court with means
of defence ; and convey to the Tower some gentle-
men who were believed to be desperate from discon-
tent, and anxious for innovation. Most of these
whose hands it was thus thought wise to manacle
before they could use them in any sudden mischief,
were partisans of Essex ; and it is remarkable, that
in this number we find Baynham, Catesby, and Tres^
ham, afterwards involved in the Gunpowder Treason i
Whilst these precautions were being taken, the
melancholy object of them, the Queen, seemed retired
and sank within herself; took no interest in anything
that was going on; and if roused for a moment,
declared that she felt no pain, required no remedies,
and was anxious for death. She expressed, how-
ever, a strong desire to hear prayers in her private
chapel, and all wa&made ready ; but she found tire
effort too much for her, and had cushions spread at
VOL. IX. 2 D
402 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1603.
the door of the Privy Chamber, where she lay and
heard service. Want of food and sleep appear, not
long after, to have brought on a partial delirium : for
she now obstinately insisted on sitting up, dressed,
day and night upon her cushions ; and when entreated
by the Lord Admiral to go to bed, assured him, with
a shudder of terror, that if he had seen what she saw
there, he would choose any place but that. She
then motioned him to approach her ; and ordering
the rest to leave the room, drew him with a piteous
gesture down to her low seat, and exclaimed, "My
Lord, they have bound me: I am tied with an iron collar
about my neck." ^ It was in vain he attempted either
argument or consolation : no power would make her
undress or go to bed ; and in this miserable state she
sat for two days and three nights, her finger pressed
upon her lips, as if afraid of betraying some secret ;
her eyes open and fixed on the ground, and generally
silent and immoveable.* Yet, whenCecil her Secretary
remonstrated against this, and asked if she had seen
spirits, she smiled contemptuously, and said the ques-
tion was not worthy an answer ; but when he told
her she must go to bed, if it were but to satisfy her
people, she showed a flash of her former spirit.
" Must ! " said she ; " is must a word to be addressed
to Princes ? Ah, little man, little man ! thy feither,
had he been alive, durst not have used that word ; but
* Lingard, vol. viii. p. 397. Camden's Elizabeth in Konnet,
vol. U. p. 653. Carey's Memoirs, p. 117.
^ Turner 8 History of Elisabeth, pp. 700, 701. Birch's Memoirs,
vol. ii. p. 507.
1603. JAMES VI, 408
thou art presumptuous, because thou knowest I shall
die.** To the same minister she repeatedly declared
that she was not mad, and that he must not think
to make Queen Joan of her: alluding, perhaps, to
Joanna the deranged Queen of Naples.^
It was now thought right to summon the ministers
of religion; upon which the aged Whitgift, Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London her
Almoner, immediately repaired to ' Richmond ; and
being admitted to her sick chamber, appeared to give
her comfort by their ministrations and prayers. They
attempted to induce her to take some nourishment,
and to follow the prescriptions of her physicians ; but
this she steadily refused, declaring that she had no
wish to live. They then exhorted her to provide for
her spiritual safety ; to which she mildly answered,
" That I have done long ago." ' When the Arch-
bishop, who was affected by the deep despondency
and melancholy into which she had sunk, attempted
to rouse and comfort her by alluding to the services
she had conferred on Europe, and by her glorious
defence of the Protestant faith, she checked him
severely, declaring that she had too long listened to
the voice of flattery, and that it should at least be
silent on her death-bed; but she held him by the
hand, and compelled him to continue his prayers, till
the aged primate's knees were wearied, and he had
almost sunk down at her bed-side. At last she per-
mitted him to depart, after receiving his blessing. In
^ MS. of Lady Southwell, quoted by DrLingard, vol. viii. p. 397.
* Sloan MSS,, printed by Ellis, 2d Series, vol. iii. p. 194.
404 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 1003.
these devotions she did not join audibly, for her
speech had almost entirely left her for two days be-
fore her death ; but it was apparent to those around
her that she was perfectly sensible; and they had the
comfort of seeing her lift her eyes to heaven and join
her trembling, emaciated hands in the attitude of
prayer.^
To the latest moment of her life she seemed will-
ing to keep up the mystery as to her successor, and
either evaded the question, or replied so obscurely,
that it was difficult to divine her wishes. On the
night, however, on which she died, Cecil made a last
effort for the King of Scots ; and accompanied by
the Lord Admiral Howard, and the Lord Keeper,
earnestly requested her to name a successor. Her
answer was proud and brief: " My seat has been the
seat of kings, and none but a king must succeed me.''
They urged her to be more explidt, and mentioned the
King of France; but she was silent. They then
ventured on the King of Scots ; but she vouchsafed
no sign. The Lord Beauchamp, the heir of the house
of Suffolk by his mother Lady Catherine Grey, was
then spoken of; upon which she roused herself and
said, with a look and flash of her former lion spirit,
" I will have no rascal's son in my seat." ^ Here,
according to the account of Lady Southwell, one of
her maids of honour, who stood at the moment beside
' CSarey's Memoirs, pp. 120, 122. It ib remarkable tliat bo
proposal to receive the Ueewed communion was made by tbe
<iy>Pg Qo^n or^tiie Bishops.
' MS. bj Lady Southwell, Lingwrd, vol. viii. p. 397*
1603. JAMES VI. 40$f
the bed, the important interview ended; and the
Queen never again spoke. But, on the other hand, it
was positively affirmed by Cecil, and the two lords hisr
companions, that at a later hour of the same night she
clearly declared by signs that the King of Scots
alone ought to succeed her. When his name was
mentioned, it is said she suddenly started, heaved
herself up in the bed, apd held her hands jointly over
her head in manner of a crown. It is probable that
this sign given by the dying Princess was one of
assent ; yet, it is possible, also, that they who had
seized the awful moment when her soul was hover-
ing between the two worlds to torture her with ques-
tions, may have mistaken a movement of agony for
one of approbation.^
Soon after this she sunk into a state of insensi-
bility, and about midnight fell into a placid sleep,
from which she woke to expire gently and without
a struggle. Cecil and the Lords at Richmond, in-
stantly posted to London ; at six in the morning the
Council ajssembled; and on that same morning, before
ten o'clock. King James the Sixth was proclaimed
heir and successor to Elizabeth, both by proximity
of blood, and, as it was now positively added, by her
own appointment upon her death-bed. Sir Robert
Carey, Lord Hunsdon's youngest son, a near relative
and favourite of the Queen, was at Richmond during
her few last miserable days of suffering; and Lady
Scrope, his sister, one of her ladies, watched her
royal mistress at the moment of her death. Both were
» Sloan MSS., printed by Ellis, 2d Series, vol. iii. p. 194.
406 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1603,-
friends and correspondents of the King of Scots, and
it had heen concerted between the brother and sister
that the distinction of being the first to announce the
happy news to that monarch should be theirs. It was
difficult, however, to cheat the vigilancy of Cecil and
the Council, who had ordered all the gates of the
palace to be closed ; but Carey was on the alert, ready
booted and spurred ; his sister stood beside the bed,
watching for her mistress' last sigh; and the mo-
ment it was breathed, she snatched a ring from her
finger, (it had been a gift from the King of Scots,)
glided out of the chamber, and cast it over the
palace window to her brother, who threw himself
on horseback, and rode post into Scotland. The
Qneen had died at three o'clock on Thursday morning
and Carey reached the palace of Holyrood on Saturday
night, after the royal expectant had retired to bed.
He was immediately admitted ; and throwing him-
self on his knees, saluted James as monarch of
Englajid, Scotland, France, and Ireland. The King
asked for the token ; and Carey, drawing the ring
from his bosom, presented it in his sister's name.
James then gave him his hand to kiss ; and without
evincing any unseemly exultation, bade the messenger
good night, and composed himself to rest. Next
morning, and for the two succeeding days, the news
was not made public, as Carey's message was not
official ; but on the third day Sir Charles Percy,
brother to the Earl of Northumberland, and Thomas
Somerset, . son of Lord Worcester, arrived vnth a
letter from the Privy Council of England, announcing
1603. JAMES vi. 407
the death of the Queen ; the proclamation of James'
accefision to the throne ; and the universal joj and
impatience with which the people of England ex-
pected their new monarch. It assured him that
their sorrow for their recent loss was extinguished
by looking forward to the heroical virtues which
resided in his person; laid at his feet the humble
offering of their faith and obedience ; and besought
him, in his excellent wisdom, to visit them with all
speed, that he might take possession of his inherit
tance, and inspire new life into its languishing body/
This great event was now communicated to the peo-
ple, who received it at first with universal demonstra-
tions of exultation and delight, and the King declared
his determination to set out speedily for his new
kingdom, leaving the Queen and his children to fol-
low at a slower pace. He committed the govern-
ment of Scotland to the Privy Council ; intrusted his
eldest son, Henry, now Prince of Wales, to the Earl
of Mar; Prince Charles to Sir Alexander Seton,
President of the Session ; and the Princess Eliza-
beth to the Earl of Linlithgow. On the succeeding
Sunday, James attended service in the High Church
of St Giles, where, after a sermon was preached, in
which the minister enumerated the many mercies pour-
ed out upon their Prince ; and described, as none of the
least, his peaceable accession to that mighty kingdom
which now awaited him. The monarch himself then
rose and delivered a valedictory address to the con-
gregation, which, we are told, was often inteiTupted
^ S|K)ttij*wood, pp. 473, 474,
408 HISTOHY OF SCOTLAND. 1603.
by the tears of the people. James, who was himself
xnoyed by these expressions of regret and affection,
entreated his subjects not to be too deeply troubled at
his departure ; assured them that they should find the
fruits of bis government as well afar off as when he
had resided amongst them ; pleaded that his increase
in greatness did in nowise diminish his love ; and
promised them a personal visit once every three
years; when the meanest, ae well as the greatest,
should have access to his person and permission to
pour their complaints into his bosom .^
This farewell oration was delivered on the 3d of
April, 1603. On the 5th of the same month the King,
surrounded by a large and brilliant cavalcade, com-
posed not only of Scottish but of English noblemen
and gentlemen, who had hurried io iiis Gomrt with
the proffers of their homage, took his departure from
Edinburgh amid the lamentations of the citizens.
His progress through England, which occapied a
month, was one long and brilliant pageant. Tri-
umphs, speeches, masques, huntings, revels, gifts, all
that wealth could command, and flattery and fancy
devise, awaited him at the different cities and castles
which he visited ; and on the 6th of May, 1603, he
entered London, accompanied by a numerous con-
course of his nobility and councillors, guarded and
ushered by the Lord Mayor and five hundred citizens
on horseback, and welcomed by the deafening shouts
of an immense multitude of his new subjects. It
seemed as if the English people liad in this brief
' Culderwood, p. 472. Spottiswoocl, p. 47C.
1603. JAMES vi. 409
period utterly forgotten the mighty Princess, whose
reign had been so glorionSi and over whose bier they
bad so lately sorrowed. Not a mnrmnr was heard,
not one dissenting voice was r^sed to break the
unanimity of his welcome; and thns, after so many
centuries of war and disaster, the proud sceptre of
ibe Tudors was transferred to the house of Stewart,
with a tranquillity and universal contentment which,
even considering the justice of the title, was remark-
able and unexpected.
In this memorable consummation, it vras perhaps
not unallowable, certainly it was not unnatural, that
the lesser kingdom, which now gave a monarch to the
greater, should feel some emotions of national pride :
for Scotland had defended her liberty against in-
numerable assaults; had been reduced, in the long
{Struggle, to the ver}- verge of despair; had been
betrayed by more than one of her Kings, and by
multitudes of her nobles; had been weakened by
internal faction, distracted by fanatic rage ; but had
never been overcome, because never deserted by a
brave, though rude and simple people. Looking back
to her still remoter annals, it could be said, vnth
perfect historical truth, that this small kingdom had
suocesBfully resisted the Roman arms, and the terrible
invasions of the Danish Sea Kings ; had maintained
her freedom, within her mountains, during the ages
of the Saxon Heptarchy, and stemmed the tide of
Norman conquest ; had shaken off the chains at-
tempted to be fixed upon her by the two great Plan-
tagenets, the First and Third Edwards, and, at a
410 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND. 1603-
later penodv by tk^ tyranny of tke Tudors; ind if
now defitined, in the Intimate course of royaLmie-
dessicfn, to lose her station as « separat(» and inde-
ptad^nt kingdom, she yielded neither to hostile fone
nor to fi»md, but willingly consented to link her liifcare
destinies with those of her mighty neighbour : l&e^a
bride^ wht>, in the dawning prospeet of a happy nnion,
is costented t^ resign, but not to forget, the^honse
and name of her fathers. Yet, howeyer pleased at
this pacific termination of their long struggles, the
feelings with which his ancient people bdield the
dejpaiture < of < their prince, ' were of a jnelaaehdy
nature rand an event occurred on the 43&ine day< M
which he s^t out, that made a deep impressioift npra
a nation natuially thoughtful and duperstitioiUk
As the monarch passed the house of Seton, near
Musselburgh, he was met by the funeral of Lord Sekoi^
a nobleman of high rank ; whidi, with its solemn move-
nient and sable trappings, ooeupied the road, and
contrasted strangely and gloomily with the brilliant
pageantry of the royal cavalcade. The Setons vnere
one of the oldest and proudest &milies of Scotland;
aild that lord, Whose mortal remains now: passed by,
had been a faithful adherent of the Iting'A mother :
whose banner he had never deserted,and in Whoseeause
he had' suffered exile aAd proscription. The meeting
was thou^t ominous by the people. It a^^peaoed, to
their excited imaginations, asifthemoment had arrived
when the aristocracy of Scotland was about ta merge
in that of Great Britain ; as if the Scottish nobles had
finished their career of national glory, and this last
1603. JAMES VI. 411
Tepresentatiye of their race had been arrested on his
road to the grave, to bid fiurewell to the laat of Scot-
land's Kings. As the mourners moved slowly on-
ward, the monarch himself, participating in these
melancholy feelings, sat down by the way-side, on a
stone still pointed out to the historical pilgrim ; nor
did he resume his progress till the gloomy procession
had completely disappeared.^
It is with feelings of gratitude, mingled with regret,
that the Author now closes this work — ^the history
of his country — ^the labour of little less than eighteen
years : gratitude to the Giver of all Good, that life
aad health have been spared to complete, however
imperfectly, an arduous undertaking ; regret that the
tranquil pleasures of historical investigation, the
happy hours devoted to the pursuit of truth, are at
an end, and that he must at last bid farewell to an
old and dear companion.
LoMDON, 2Sth OetobeTy 1843.
^ History of the House of Seyton, Bannat. Club Edition, p. 60.
History of Sk^tland, by Sir Walter Scott, vol. ii. p. 426.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
FROM
MANUSCRIPTS
IN
HER MAJESTrS STATE PAPER OFFICE,
AND OTHER COLLECTIONS,
HITHERTO UNPIUNTED.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
Huntly's Rebellion, with Errol, Angus, and BoThwell.
Page 28.
On the 16th March, 1588-9, Elizabeth sent the following private
letter to James, remonstrating with him against his misplaced lenity
to Huntly and the Catholic faction. It was delivered to the King
bj the English resident Ashby, on the 2l6t March, as we learn
by the following passage from that gentleman's letter to Lord
Burghley. (St. P. Off.)
^' The 21, early in the morning, I received a letter from your
Honor, with the inclosed of her Majesty's ; which I presented to
him that day." * * Ashby afterwards tells us the King liked
the Queen's letter, and meant to prosecute the matter agunst the
Catholic lords with severity. As to the Spaniards, against whose
stay in Scotland Elizabeth so proudly remonstrated, calling them
" the spoils of her wreck," the same gentleman writes Burghley,
^* that it is thought as many as a thousand are dispersed over Scot-
land ; and how they are to be transported, unless her Majesty go
to charges, he cannot tell." This fact is new.
Elizabeth to Jahes.*
^^ Mr DEAR Brother. — I am driven, through the greatness of
my care for your safe estate, to complain to yourself of yourself;
wondering not a little what injurious planet against my nearest
neighbours reigneth with such blindness, and suffereth them not
to see their changing peril and most imminent danger. Shall I
^ Warrender MS., vol. A., p. 196,
416 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
exeiue them tliej know it not ? I am too true a witness that
ignorance cannot excuse, as having been a most near spy to Snti
out those treacheries. Must I say they dare not ? Far be it
from kingly magnanimity to harbour within their breast bo un-
seemly a guest Have I no excuse to serve them for payment f
WeUf then must I wul that I cannot mend ; and if there befall
them mishap, I am not guilty of such disaster. Yet can I not
desist, though I might be discouraged, to beseech you in God's
name, not to overstep such happy occasions as it hath pleased
God to reveal ttnto yoa : for if, when they be at your side, yon
will not make yourself a fwofit of their wreck, how will you catch
them when they are aloof ftom you ? '
^^ Let too late examples show you for pattern, how dishonouiaUe '
it is to prolong to do by right, that [which]] after they are driven
to do by extremity ; yea, and perchance as being taught to take
heed, they will shun the place of danger ; and so your dai^r
worse than the others.
^ It had been for honour and surety never to have touched,
than so slightly to keep, them in a scorn in durance, to be
honoured with yovor presence with all kindness, and soon after to
be extolled \o your dearest chamber. Qood Lord ! what uncouth
,and never-heard-of trade is that? Yon must pardon my plain
dealing : for if my love were not greater than my canse, as you
treat it, I should content myself to see them wrecked with dis-
honour that contenm all loving warning and sister-like coun-
sel. I pray God there be left you time (you have dealt so un-
timely) to be able to apprehend and touch, such as dares boldly,
through your suflerance, attempt anything they list, to bring you
and your land to the slavery of such as never yet spared their
own. I know not how gracious they will be to you and your
realm. When they got footing, they will suffer few feet but Uieir
own. Awake, therefore, dear Brother, out of your long slumber i
and deal like a king who will ever reign alone in his own. If
they found you stout, you shouM not lack that would follow you,
and leave rotten posts.
** 1 marvel at the store you make of the Spaniards, being the
spoils of my wreck. You wrote me word not one should bide
with you; and now they must attend for more company. I am
sorry to see how small regard you have of so groat a cause. I
may claim by treaty that such sliould not be ; but I hope, without
such claim, (seeing your home practices,) you will quickly ride
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 417
your realm of them, with speed ; which I do expect for your own Bake,
and not the least for mine; of whom you may make sure reckx>n-
i"K (if you abandon not yourself) to be protected by for ever.
^^ And th ua I end with axing a right interpretation of my plain
aud sincere meaning; and wish ever to you as to myself; as know-
oth the Lord, whom over I beseech to preserve you with long and
bai>py days. — xvi. Martii, 1588.
*' Elizabetu R."
Indoreed, Copie of a letter from the Queen, 1 588.
XL
Pages 49 and 51.
It appears by a letter of Mr R. Bowes, the £uglish Ambassador
ut the Scottish Court, to Lord Burghley, dated at Edinburgh, 4th
June, 1590, that on the 3d June he received the following letter
of Elizabeth to James, and presented it next day (the 4th) to the
King of Scots. " He received," says Bowes, " her Majesty's
letter very friendly ; showing himself much pleased and conforted
therewith." The person against whom Elizabeth had remonstrated,
deprecating his being sent on so weighty and confidential a business,
was Colonel Stewart, whom she suspected, on account of his former
desertion of the Pix)testant party.
Queen Elizabeth to King James. MS. St. P. Off., l^)yal
Letters, 29th May, J 590.
^^My conceit, I perceive, my dear Brother, hath no whit swerved
from your good intent : for now I well see Colonel Steward's nego-
tiation was not framed of his own brain, but proceeded from your
earnest affection to so laudable a cause ; and by yonr last letters,
I find your earnest motion made to the two Dukes, together with
their good aad loving consent.
" All this moveth me to find you a redcvable* Prince to a careful
friend; and QI] do praise my judgment to have chosen so grateful a
King, on whom to spend so many careful thoughts, as since your
peregrination I have felt for your surety and your land's wealth :
and as my thanks aro manifold, so shall the memorial bide per-
petual.
' ** Rcdevablc," Fr., beholden to ; grateful.
VOL. IX. • '2 E
418 HISTOEY OF SCOTLAND,
" And for the Action, at the arriTal of such a one as yon are send*
ing me, I will at large impart plainly my resolatiou therein, and
considering it not your least regard of me, that you be heedful to
deal no other ways than as may best content me. And [I] do as-
sure you, that as I will never myself enter into it the first, yet I
will ask nothing that shall not fit a King to demand, nor plead
more innocency in all the cause, than my guiltless conscience, well
showed by my actions, shall ever testify. And so you may be
assured to get most honour, and never blot your &me with dealing
in an action, when so great injury shall appear, and no just cause
to enforce it.
^' That I perceive the Governors of Denmark like well that other
Princes of Germany should send their good consent, with joining
their message, I must needs say, " the more the better " that
desire such thing as is best for all Christendom ; although I bad
thought that you, with the King of Denmark, would have sufficed.
Yet if the rest do make the knot the greater, I must think my
Bond to them the more, and trust the pact will be the surer.
'' In the choice of such as you mind to send, this I hope you will
chiefly regard: that he be none such as whose own cause or affection
to the adverse part may breed a doubt of performance of the
sender's will ; but be chosen even such a one, as whose honest and
wise endeavour may much advance the end of so good a beginning.
^' My good brother, I write this the plamer that you might clearly
see what one I wish, and that may suffice for all. And for that
the time requireth speed, I doubt not but you will use it.
^' And so I leave scribbling, but never end to love you, and assist
you with my friendship, care, and prayer to the living Grod to
send you all prosperous success, and his Holy Spirit for guide.
^' Your most assured faithful Sister and Cousin."
Indorsed, 29th May, 1590. Copy of her Majesty's letter,
written with her own hand to the King of Scots, sent to
Mr Bowes.
III.
The following letter, written by Elizabeth to Henry the Fourth,
at the time that she sent her favourite Essex with four thousand
men to his assistance, is highly characteristic. It is taken from a
contemporary copy preserved in the Collection of Royal Letters
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 419
in the State Paper Office. See Camden's Elizabeth, in Kennet,
vol. ii. pp. 562, 563 :-«
Elizabeth to Henry IV., 27th July, 1591.
" Selon la promesse que tonjours je garderay endroit, tres oher
frere, je voua mande Taide de 4000 hommes, avec un Lieute-
nant qui Gomme il m'appertient de bien pres, aussy est-il de telle
qualite, et tient iel lieu cbez moy, que de ooustume no se souloit
esloigner q'avec nous. Mais toutes ces raisons j'ay oublie, les
proposant toutes a voire occasion, preferant vostre necessity et
desir, a mes particuli^res considerations. A laquelle cause je ue
doute nuUement que vous y respondiez, avec un honorable et soig-
nenx respect de vre grandeur, a luy faire Taccueil et regard que tan t
d'amitie merite : vous pouvaut assurer, que si (que plus je craigne)
la iemerite que sa jeunesse luy donne, ne se feit trop se precipiter,
vous n'aurez jamais cause de doubter de la hardiease de son service,
car il n'a fait que trop sou vent preuve qu'il ne oraint hazard quelque
qui solt. Et vous suppliant d'en avoir plustost de respect, qu'il est
trop effrone q'on luy donne la bride.
^' Mais, men Dieu, comment reve-je, pour vous faire si denuson*
nable requeste, que vous voyant tant tarder a vous conserver la vie,
je fus si mal appris de respecter une plus simple creature. Seule-
ment je vous prononoe quil aura plus besoin de bride que d'esperon.
Et non obstant j'espere que vous le trouverez assez habile pourcon-
duire ses troupes k vous faire service tres agreable. Et j*ose pro-
mettre, que nos sujects y sent de s'y bonne dispositions etont les
coeurs si vaillants qu'ils vous feront services qui vous ruineront
beaucoup Pennemy si leur bonne fortune respondra a leurs desire.
Et pour salaire de toutes ces Compagnies je vous demande ces
deux requestes : la premiere, que leur vie et sang vous soyent si a
coeur que rien solt omis pour leur regard ainsi qu'ils soyent
cherifl comme qui servent, non comme mercenaires, mais franche-
ment, de bonne affection. Aussi qu'ils ne portent le ^its de
trop violents hazards n'y de nre fn'etre] bien au double ac-
compagnes et secondes. Vous etes si sage Prince, que m'assure
que n'oubliez que nos deux nations n'ont trop souvent si bien
accordcs, qu'ils ne se souviennent de v idles descordanccs, ne
so pensent do meme terre, mais separes d'une profonde fossee.
Et pourtant y tiendrez sy bien la main, quo nnl inconvenient
leur arrive. Ayaut de ma ptirt bien instniits uos gens d'asscz
420 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
bonnes le^ona, ksquellee je m'assuxe qu'ils observeront. Et ponr
ne T0U8 fi&tiguer de longue lettre, je finiray cet adreeae) le seol
memorial qu en voub approchant pres de nos qoartiers, vous n oablier
de boacher chemiu a Parma, de toutes parts au il doit entrer. Car
je m'aasuere, qa'il a receu commandemcnt d'omettro plustot Ics
pays-bas que )a France.
*^ Ytre tree asaeuree bonne 8(Bur et cousinc,
^' E. R."
IV.
Tbe foUowing striking and characteristic letter of Elizabeth to the
Scottish King, written with her own hand, was received by Bowes,
accompanied by two letters of the 14th and i7th of the same
month from Lord Burghley. James was then at Dumbarton, in
progress, whither the English Ambassador proceeded ; and (as
he informs the Lord Treasurer in his letter from Edinburgh,
dated 27th August,) ^^ delivered her Majesty's letter, accom-
panying the delivery thereof with report of your Lordship*6
opinion in the weighty contents flowing suddenly from her Majes-
ty's pen in your Lordship's sight." " The King," continues Bowes,
^^ oftentimes perused and gravely noted the frame and substance of
this letter; and with pleasant countenance and signs, well declaring
his good acceptance, he entered into right high commendation of
the excellent order, singular wisdom, and rare friendship that he
found therein."
Queen Elizabeth to the King of Scots, 12th August, 1591.
Page 63.
^' Many make the argument of their letters of divers subjects.
Some with salutations ; some with admonitions ; others with
thanks : but, my dear brother, few, I suppose, with confession :
and that at this time shall serve the meetest for my part.
^' I doubt not but you wonder why it is, that in time so perilous to
your person, so dangerous for your State, so hateful to the hearers,
so strange for the treasons, you find me, that from your birth hold
most in regard your surety, should now neglect all, when it most
behoveth to have watchful eyes on a most needy Prince. Now
hear thereof my shrift: — It is true that my many counsels I
have known oft thanked, but seldom followed. When I wii^iied
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS- 421
you rcl^n, you Buffered other rule: if I desired awe, you gave
them lihertj. My timely warnings became too late perfor-
mauce. When it required action, it wa^ all to begin ; which
when I gathered, as in a handful of mj memory, I will now try,
quoth I, what, at a pinch, he will do for himself: for nearer than
with life may no man be assailed. And hearing how audacity
preyailed in so large measure, as it was made a question whether
a witch for a King's life might serve for a sufficient proof, and
that the price of a King's blood was set at so low a rate, with
many wondering blessings I, in attentive sort, attended the issue
of such an error; and not seeing any great offence laid to so
slight a case, I fearfully doubted the consequence of such an act ;
yea, when I heard that, quakingly, men hasted to trial of such
guilt, I supposed tho more loved where least it became, and
the most neglected to whom they owed most bond.
.^^ Well QI3 was assured, that more addition could never my
warning make ; and to renew what so oft was told, should be but
petitio principiu With safe conscience having discharged my
office, I betook you to your best actions, and thought for me there
was no more remaining. And now I trust that this may
merit an absolution, I will make you partaker of my joy, that I
hear you now begin (which would to God had sooner been !) to re-
gard your surety, and make men fear you, and leave adoring false
saints. God strengthen your kingly heart, and make you never
fail yourself; for then who will stick to you ? You know me so
well as no bloody mind ever lodged in my breast : and hate bear
I none to any of yours, God is witness. But ere your days be
shortened, let all yours be. This my charity."
Royal Letters, St. P. Off., 12th August, 1591. Indorsed,
Copy of her Majest/s letter to the K. of Scots. Written
with her H. hand.
This indignant and characteristic letter of Elizabeth was written
to express her deep resentment of the manner in which Henry bad
treated her auxiliary force sent under the command of Essex.
Camden, p. 563.
Elizadetii to IIrnhy IV., 9th November, 1591.
*' Ma plume, ne touclia jamais papior, qui so fits sujet a argument
422 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND.
si estrange, pour monstrer ung nouvel accident d'ane mal injuria
aiiiiti6, par tel a qui le seal appay, a estre ministre par la partie la
plas offens6e. De nos ennemis, nous n attendions que tout malen-
centre : Et si aultant nous prestent les amis, qu ell difference en
trouvoDS nous? Je m'estonne, qu'il est possible que celny qui
tient tant de besoing d'aide, paye en si mauvaise monnoye ses
plus asseures. Pouvez vous imaginer, que mon sexe m'aridit
le courage pour ne me ressentir d*ung public affront. Le sang
royal, si j*en ay, ne I'endnreroit du plus puissant Prince en la Chre-
tiennete, tel traistement, qu'en ces trois mois tous m avez presto. Ne
vous desplaisse que je vous disc rondement, que si ainsi vous traister
vos amis, qui librement de bonne effects vous servent en temps le
plus important, vous en foillerez doresnavant, en vos plus graqds
besoings. Et j'eusse presentement revoque mes troupes n'eust ete
que votre mine me semble se presenter, si par mon exemple les
aultres, doubtants de semblable traitement, vous delaissent. Ce
(lui me pour quelque pen de tems Qfeit] prolonger lenr demeure,
nio rougissant que je suis faicts spectacle du monde de Princesee
iiieprisee, Priant le Createur vous inspirer meilleur mode de con-
server vos amis.
*' Vtre soeur qui plus merite qu'elle n'a,
«E. R."
VL
KLTZABRTti TO JaMks, 25tli November, 1591.— Page 63.
" As my care for your weal, my dear brother, bath been full
long the desire of my endeavours, so though my many letters do
not oft cumber your eyes with the reading them, yet my ever-
living watchfull head hath never been neglected ; as by proof,
oven now, the errand that this bearer brings you, may make
you know ; which being even that nearly doth touch your surety
and state, I conjure you, eveli for the worth that you prize
yourself at, that you forslowe^ not (after your usual manner)
this matter, as you too much, ere now, have done such like:
and ever remember, that the next step to overturn a Royal seat,
is to malvo the subject know, that whatever he doth mav be
either coloured or neglected ; of which either breeds boldness to
* To fcTjlcwe.'; to civ.it, or lc:c 1 y iIcftTTiiig.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 423
shun the pain, whatsoever the offence deserves. Far better it
were, that all pretence of cause be debarred, than threaten, ere one
strike, and ao the prey escape. Shun in the handling of my over-
ture [[speaking] of what is meant ; but after wise resolution of what
behoves, let few or, if possible, none know, afore that be ended which
is thonght to be done. This is, in short, mj advice ; as she that too
plainly sees, that if you defer, you may fortune repent. Yea,
and you trust too mnch some, that can have many cords to their
bow : these may, perhaps, overthrow the mark, or you hit the
blank. Excuse my plainness, and let good will plead my pardon.
God bless you.
" Yo' most assured Sister,
" Elizabeth R."
Royal Letters, St. Paper Office. Indorsed, 25th November,
1591. Copie of her Ma«« Lfe to the K. of Scotts, by
Mr Hudson.
VII.
A short sentence of the following letter from Elizabeth to James
has been already given in the text, (p. 63 ;) but the whole epistle,
which is preserved in Sir George Warrender's MSS., and written
wholly in the Queen's own hand, is too characteristic to be omit-
ted. I have, generally, in Queen Elizabeth's letters, modernized
the spelling : this, for the readers amusement, I give in her own
peculiar orthography : —
Qtterw Elizabeth to Kino Jamba VI., 4th December, 1592.
Pa^^e 81.
" My dear Brother, — If the misfortune of the messenger had
not protracted so longe the riciate of my lettars, I had sonar re-
ceved the knowlelege of such matter, as wold have cried my sonar
answer to causes of suche importance ; but at length, thoght longc:
" First, I perceave how to the privy snarisof your seeming friends,
yow have so warily cast your yees as that your [mind] hath not
been trapped with the fals she wis of such a kindness, but have wel
remenibred, that proved cares and assured lovo aught of mere jus-
tice tafe Qto have] the «iiperhand, of begilingdobaits, and coulored
treasons.
424 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
" Yow forget not, I percaive, how yow sbould have served ens
[once] for prey to enter the hands of a foreaner s rule, even by the
intisement of him, that offars you that he cannot get ; wicbe if
he ever [got]], should serve hU trofe, not yours^ whose land he
seakes but to thrale both. Hit glads me much, that yow have
more larger sight than the C^^^yl supposed that wold have limed
you so. And for my part, I rendar my many thankis to your
selfe for your selfe, as she that skomis his malice, and eanvies
not his intent.
" My enemy can never do himself more skar, than to wil my
giltles wrack, who or now, himself knowes, liath preserved him his
cuntryes, who since hath sought mine. Suche was his reward.
God ever shild you from so crouked a wil as to hazard your own,
in hope of saiving another.
" Yow know right wel, thcr is a way to get, that doth precede the
attempt. Whan he hath won the entry, you shal have lest part
of the victory, who sekes to make (as oft hath bin) your sab-
jccts theirs. Suppose, I beseeche you, how easely he wyl present
yow the best, and kei)e the worst for him. This matter is so
plain, hit nedes smal ad vis.
" Preserve yourselfe in such state as you have. For others bcgile
not your selfe, that injuriously you may get. There is more to
do in that than icilis and iciches. Look about with fixed yees,
and sure suche to yow, as sekes not more yours than you. Draw
not such as hange their hopes on other stringes than you may
tune. Them that gold can corrupt, thinke not your gifts can
assure. Who ons have made shipwrack of ther country, let them
never injoy hit. Wede out the wedes, lest the best com festar.
Never arm with powere suche whos bettamis must folowe afier
you ; nor trust not to ther trust, that, undar any coular, wyl tral
Qthrall] their own soile.
^^ I may not, nor wol conciel, overtnrs that of late hath ful amply
bene made me, how you may playnly knowe, all the combinars
aganst your State, and how yow may intrap them, and so assure
your kingdom ; but .... . not presenting [permitting]
hit a spoile to st courtsy, one or more of
ther owne — is this actor, and therefore [[know you] best in whiche
he standeth to your *
AVither if tills be, he may desarve surty of life, or of land, nor
livehode ; but suche as may praser^'e brethe to spend whan best
' The original is here torn and illegible.
TROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
425
shal please you. * My answer was wban 1 se the way how, I wil
impart hit to whom hit most apartanis.
" Now bethink, my deare brother, what fiirdar yow wyl have me
do. In meanwhile, beware to give the raines into the hands of
any, lest hit be to late to revoke suche actions done. Let no one
of the Spanishe faction in your absence, yea, whan yon were pre-
sent, receave strengt or countenance. Yow knowe, but for you, al
of them to be alike to me for my particular ; yet I may not deny
but I abhorre suche as sets their country to sale. And thus co-
mitting yow to God's tuition, I shal remain the faithful holdar of
my vowed amitie without spot or wrinkel.
" Your affectionat Sistar and Cousin,
" Elizabeth. "
This letter is directed "To our dearest Brother the King of
Scots." It is indorsed in a suiall hand of the time, " Delivered be
Mr Bowes, 4th Decern. 1592." See Historic of James the Sext.
p. 261.
VIII.
TiiR Present State op the Nobility in Scotland. 1st July,
1592.'— Page 87.
EarUt, t^urnames. Religion, Ages,
Duke of Steward Prot. Of 20 years. His mother, a
I^nnox Frenchwoman. Married the
third daughter of the late Earl
of Qowrie. one is dead. His
house, castle of Methven.
Arran Hamilton Prot. Of about 54 years. His mother,
' Douglas, daughter to the Earl
of Morton who was earl before
James the Regent. His house,
Hamilton; and married this Lord
Glames' aunt.
Angus Douglas Doubtful Of 42 years. Ilis mother, Gra-
ham, daughter to the Laird of
Morphy. Married the eldest
daughter of the Lord Oliphant.
His house, Tantallon.
> Tills sentence is evidently imperfect, bat so it runs in the original.
" MS. St. P. Off. There is also » copy in Brit. Mu?., Caligula, D. II., 80.
426
HISTORY OP SCOTLAND.
Earh. Surnames, Religion.
1
Hnntly. Seton* Papist
Gordou
Argile Campbell Young
Athol Stewart Prot.
Murray , Stewart Young
Crawford Lindsay Papist
Arrol Hay Papist
Morton Douglas Prot.
Marshall Keitli Prot.
Affss.
Of 33 years. Hismother^daugb-
ter to Duke Hamilton. Married
the now Duke of Lennox's as-
ter. His house, Strabogy.
Of 17 years. His mother, sister
to the Earl MarahaU, this Earl's
father. Not yet married. His
house, Dynoon.
Of 32years. Hismother, daugh-
ter to the Lord Fleming. Mar-
ried this Earl of Gowrie's sister.
His house, Dunkeld.
Of 1 years. Hismother, daugh-
ter to the Earl of Murray, Be-
gent, by whom this Earl's &ther
(slain by Huntly) had that
Earldom. Not Married. His
house, Tamaway.
Of 35 years. Hismother, daugh-
ter to the Earl Marshall. Mar-
ried first the Lord Drummond's
daughter, and now the Earl of
Athol's sister. His house. Fin-
haven.
Of 31 years. His mother,
Keith, daughter to the Earl
Marshall. Married first the
Regent Murray's daughter, next
Athol's sister, and now hath to
wife Morton's daughter. His
house, Slanes.
Of 66 years. His mother,
Erskine, daughter of the Lord
Erskine. Married to the sister
of the Earl of Rothes. His
house, Dalkeith.
Of 38 years. Hismother, daiigb-
ter to the Earl of Errol. 3f ar-
ried this Lord Hume's sister.
His house, Dunotter.
PROOFS AND ILLITSTRATIOKS.
427
Earls. Surnames. Religion.
Casaillis Kennedy Yonng
Eglinioti Montgom- Young
ery
Qlencairn Cunning- Prot.
ham
Montrose Qralmm Papist
Menteith Qraliam Young
Rothes Lesly Prot.
Caithness Sincler Neut.
Sutherland Gordon Ncut.
Bothwell Stewart Prot.
Buchan Douslas Yonni:
A^es.
Of 17 years. His mother, Lyon,
aunt to this Lord Glames, and
who now is the Lord John
Hamilton's wife. Not married.
Of 8 years. His mother, Ken-
nedy, daughter to the Laird of
Barganie. Unmarried.
Of 40 years. His mother, Gor-
don of Lochinyar. Married the
Laird of Glenurchy's daughter,
Gordon. His house, Glencaim.
Of 49 years. His mother, daugh-
ter of the Lord Fleming. Mar-
ried the Lord Drummond's sis-
ter. Auld Montrose, in Angus.
Of 1 9years. His mother, daugh-
ter to the old Laird of Drum-
lanrig. Married to Glenurchy's
daughter. Kylbride.
Of 65 years. His mother, Som-
enrille. Married first the sister
of Sir James Hamilton, and then
the sister of the Lord Buthven.
Castle of Lesly.
Of 26 years. His mother. Hep-
bum, sister to Bothwell that
died in Denmark. Married this
Huntly's sister. Tungesbey.
Of 36 years. His mother, sis-
ter to the Regent Earl of Len-
nox. Married the Earl of
Huntly's sister, this Earl's aunt.
His house, Dunrobyn.
Of 30 years. His mother,
Hepburn, sister to the late Earl
Bothwell. Married the sister of
Archibald Earl of Angus. He
ptands now forfeited. Crigliton.
Of 11 years. His mother,
428
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
Earh. Surnames. JReli^ion.
Mar
Erskine Prot.
Orkney Stewart Neut.
Oonry Ruthven. Young
Affes.
Stewa.rt, heretrix of Buchan.
Unmarried.
Of 32 years. His mother,
Murray, sister to the Laird of
TuUybarden. A widower. His
house, AUoway.
Of 63 years. Base son of King
James the Fifth. His mother,
Elphingston. Married to the
Earl of Cassillis* daughter.
Of 15 years. His mother, sis-
ter to umqhile Lord Methven.
Unmarried. Buthven.
Lards. Surnames, Religion.
Lyndsay Lyndsay Prot.
Seaton Seaton Papist
Borthwick Borthwick Prot.
Tester Hay Prot.
Levingston Leviugston Papist
Elphinston Elphinston Neut.
Ages.
Of 38 years. His mother, sis-
ter to the Laird of Lochleren.
Married the Earl of Rothes'
daughter. His house, Byers.
Of '40 years. His raoUier,
daughter to Sir Wm. Hamilton.
His wife is Montgomery, the
Earl's aunt. His house, Seaton.
Of 22 years. His mother,
daughter of Bnecleugh. His wife,
the Lord Ycster^s daughter.
Borthwick.
Of 28 years. His mother, Car
of Femyhirst. His wife, daugh-
ter of the L. of Newhottle.
Neidpeth.
Of 61 years. His mother, daugh-
ter of umquhilc Earl of Morton.
His wife the Lord Fleming*s
sister. Calendar.
Of 63 years. His mother,
Erskine. His wife, the daughter
of Sir John Drummond. Elph-
inston.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
429
Lords. Surnames. Religion,
Boyd Boyd Prot.
Seinple Sempio ProL
Ru63 Ross Prot.
Ucliiltree Stewart Prot
Cathcart Catlicait Prot.
Maxwell Maxwell Papist
llarriiu Maxwell Papist
ISanqbar Crichtoii Papist
Suniervill Soincrvill Prot.
Druniuiond Druinniond Prot.
Agc9.
Of 46 years. His mother,
Colquhoun. His wife the Shc-
rilTofAir'sdaughter. Kiluiemok.
Of 29 years. His mother,
Preston. His wife, daughter
of theEarlofEgliuton. Sempell.
Of 30 years. His mother, tbo
Lord Semplis daughter. His
wife, Gavin Hamilton's daugh-
ter.
Of 32 years. His mother, us-
ter to the Lord Methven. His
wife, Kennedy the daughter of
the Laird of Biawquhen. Uchil-
tree.
Of 55 years. His mother,
Semple. His wife Wallace,
daughter of the Laird of Cragy-
AVallace. Cathcart.
Of 4 1 years. H is mother, daugh-
ter to the Earl of J^f orton that
preceded the Regent. His
wife, Douglas, sister to the Earl
of Angus.
Of 37 years. His mother, Har-
ris, by whom he had the lord-
ship. His wife is the sister of
Newbottle. His bouse, Ter-
ragles.
Of 24 years. His mother, daugh-
ter of Drumlanrig. Unmar-
ried. His house, Sanquhar.
Of 45 years. His mother, sis-
ter to Sir James Hamilton. His
wife, sister to the Lord Seatou.
Camwath.
Of 40 years. His mother, daugh-
ter to the Lord Ruthven. His
wife, Lyndsay, daughter of the
Liiird of Edzell. Drummond.
430
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
Lords, Surnames. Religion.
Olipbant Olipbaat Prot.
Gray Gray
10
Papist
Glames Lyon Young
11
Ogilvy Ogilvy Papist
Hume Hume Susfject.
12
Fleming Fleming Papist
Inneimeith Stewart Prot.
Forbes Forbes Prot
Salton Abemetby Young
Lovat Fraser Prot.
Sinkler Sinkler Prot
Torpicben Sandilands Young
Ages.
Of 65 years. His mother,
Sandielands. HiswifeisErToPs
sister. Duppline.
Of 54 years. His motber, the
Lord Ogihys daughter. His
wife, tbe Lord Butbven's sister.
Fowlis.
Of 1 7 years. His mother, sister
totbeLordSaltoun. Unmarried.
Of 51 years. His mother, Camp-
bell of Caddell. His wife, tbe
Lord Forbes' daughter. No
castle but tbe B. of Bricbens
bouse.
Of 27 years. His mother, tbe L.
Gray's daugbter. His wife, tbe
Earl of Morton's daughter.
Hume.
Of 25'years. His mother, daugb-
ter of tbe Master of Boss. His
wife, tbe Earl of Montrose's
daugbter. Bigger.
Of 30 years. His mother, the
Lord Ogilvy's daugbter. His
wife, Lyndsay tbe Laird of £d-
zell's daugbter. Redcastle.
Of 75 years. His mother, Lun-
die. His wife, Keith.
Of 14 years. His mother,
Athol's sister, this Earl's aunt.
Saltoun.
Of 23 years. His mother,
Stewart, aunt to Athol. His
wife, tbe Laird of M'Kenzie's
daugbter.
Of 65 years. His mother, Oli-
pbant. His wife, tbe Lord For-
bes' daughter. Ravens-Crage.
Of 18 years. His mother,
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
481
Lords. Surnames, Religion.
Thirlstaue Maitland Prot.
Ages.
daughter of the Lord Ross. His
house, Calder or Torpichen.
Of 48 years. Married the Lord
Fleming's aunt. A new house
in Lowther or Lethington.
Methven Stewart
Carlisle Carlisle
Houses Decayed.
Decayed hy want of heirs; and coming to
the King's hands, he hath disponed it to
the Duke.
The male heirs are decayed. There is a
daughter of the Lord Carlisle's married to
James Douglas of the Parkhead, who
hath the living, but not the honours.
Lords or Barons created op lands appertaimng to
BisnOPRICKS AND ABBACIES.
Lords. Surnames.
Altrie Keith
Newbottle Ker
Religion.
Prot.
Prot.
Urquhart Seaton
13
Papist
Spinay Lyndsay Prot.
Ages. .
Of 63 years. His mother, Keith.
His wife, Lauriston. This lord-
ship is founded on the Abbot of
Dere.
Of 39 years. His mother, the
Earl of Rothes' sister. His
wife, Maxwell [sister] to this
Lord Harris. This lordship is
founded on the Abbacy of New*
bottle. His house, Moiphale or
Preston-Grange.
Of 35 years. The LordSeaton's
brother. His wife, the Lord
Drummond's daughter. Found-
ed on the Priory of Pluscardy.
Of 28 years. The Earl of Craw-
ford's third brother. His wife,
Lyon, the Lord Glamis' daugh-
ter. This is founded on the
Bishoprick of Murray. His
432 . HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
hou^ 18 Sjiyn^y. But Hu&tlj
is heritable constable ia that
Louse.
Indorsed, " Of the Nobility in Scotland/' Burghley, who had
studied the paper, and luarkeid the names of the Papists, has
added, in his own hand, ^^ A Catalogue," the date 1"» Julii, 1592;
the figures over the Papists* names are also in Burghley's hand.
IX.
Elizabeth to James, June 1594. — ^Page 156.
The following letter of Elizabeth to James was sent immediately
previous to the baptism of Prince Henry.
" My good Brother, — ^You have so well repaired the hard
lines of menacing speech, that I like much better the gloss than
the text ; and do ajssure you that the last far graoeth you better,
and fitteth best our two amities. You may make sure account,
that what counsel, advise, or mislike, my writing can make you,
receiveth ever ground of what is best for you, though my interest
be least in them. And, therefore, having so good foundation, I
hope you will make your profit of my plainness ; and remember
that others may have many ends in Uieir advices, and I but you
for principal of mine.
^^ I render you many thanks, for bond of fiim and constant
amity, with most assurance of never entering with my foes in
treaty or good will, until constnunt of my behalf cause the bieacli.
It pleaseth me well tliat this addition may assure me a perpe-
tuity; for never shall my act deserve so foul an imputation.
But I muse what such an Horace his but should need to me, whoeo
solid deeds have never merited such a halfed suspicion. Put
out of your breast therefore, my sincere heart in treats you, so unfit
a thought for a royal mind ; and set in such place the unfeigned
love that my deserts have craved, and make a great distance be-
twixt others not tried, and mine so long approved.
^*' It gladdeth me much, that you now have falsified such bruits
as forepart deeds have bred you : for tongues of men are never
bridled by kings' greatness, but by their goodness ; nor is it enou^'h
to say they will do well, when present act« gainsay tlieir belief.
rfiOOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 433
•* We Princes are rot on highest stage, where looks of all behold-
ers verdict onr works ; neither can we easily dance in net«,
so thick as may dim their sight Such, therefore, our works
shonld be, as may praise our Maker and grace ourselves. Among
the which I trust you will make one whose facts shall tend to
strengthen yourself, whoso you feeble, and count it best spent
time to govern your own and not be tutored. And since no go-
vernment lasts, where duly pain and grace be not inflicted where
best they be deserved, I hope no depending humours of partial
respects shall banish from you that right. And as you have, I may
so justly say, almost alone, stood princely to your own estate,
witbont prizing others' lewdness, that scarcely could afford a
grant to a true request, or an yea to well tried crimes: so I beseech
you comfort your self with this laud, that so much the more
shineth your clearness thorough the foil of dim clouds, as their
spot will hardly be blotted out, when your glory remains.
And by this dealing, you shall ever so bind me to be your faith-
ful Watch, and stanch Sister, that nothing shall I hope pass my
knowledge, that any way may touch you, but I will both warn
and ward in such sort, as your surety shall be respected, and
your state held up, as God, that best is witness, knoweth ; whom
ever I implore to counsel you the best, and preserve your days.
*^ Your afiectionate Sister and Cousin,
** Such remembrance of my affection as I send, take in good part,
as being, such my affairs as now they be, more than millions sent
from a richer prince, and fraughted with fewer foes; which I doubt
not bat in wisdom you can consider, and as, in some part, I havo
at length dilated to this gent"
Royal Letters, State Paper Office, Indorsed, Juno 1594. M. of
her Ma^ I/* w^ her owne hand to the K. of Scott&
X.
The following letter is taken from the original in the Warrcn-
der MSS., written entirely in the Queen's own band : —
Elizabeth to James, [probably 1503.]— Page 125.
^^ When I consider, right dear Brother, that all the chaos wherc<»f
VOL. IX. 2 F
434 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND,
tbia world was made, consisted first of confosion^ and was after
divided into four principal elements, of which if either do bear too
great a superiority, the whole must quickly perish ; and when I
see that all our beings consist of contrarieties, without the which
we may not breath ; I marvel the less that there do fiall in your
conceit, an opinion, that you could accord with a discard. It is
true that, in music, sweet disorders be good rules ; but in trades of
lives, which bide not for moments but for years, it sold is taken
for good advice : the more, I grant, is their bond, that on so dan-
gerous foundation find a builder to venture his work.
^^ I will shun to be so wicked, as to turn to scorn that I suppose
is grounded on ignorance ; neither will I misjudge that any deri-
sion is meant, where I hope there reigns no such iniquity : there-
fore, I will have recourse to my best judgment, which oousisteth
in this thought,— ^that some that saw my outward show, looked not
on the calends of my years ; and so, through fame of seeming ap-
pearance, might delude your ears, and make suppose far better
than you should find. But as my obligation is so great in your be-
half, as it may permit no disguising, no more than in anything else
that may concern you will I abuse you with beguiling persuasions;
and thereon mind to deal with you as merchants that have no
ready money; then they fall to consider of those wares that suits
best their countries, and by interchange of equal utilities, makes
traffic to other s best avail ; procuring a continuance of friendly
trade, and true intelligence, of &ir good will; which is the way I
choose to walk in, and even in so smooth a path as my works shall
perform my word's errand; and do promise, on the faith of a king,
if I find correspondence in your actions, my eyes shall give as
narrow a look to what shall be your good, as if it touched the
body that bears them. But if I shall find a double face of one
shoulder, I protest I shall abandon my care, and leave you to your
worst fortune.
** This gentleman, for your allowance and good ^vour, not for his
good will to me, nor many practices perilous to me, of which, if he
list, he may speak, I admit to my presence ; whom, I assure you,
I find even such as fits the judgment of your place, to esteem with
no temporary honour. You may believe my judgment, that have
had no cause to give him a partial censure. I perceive that C^od
bestowed his gifts on him with no sparing hand; but even with his
dole was amply enlarged.' But, above all, I commend his faith
^ So in the original ; but | caniiot m»ke out the sense.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 435
to you; for whom, I see, he neglects and losethhis greatest hopes
ere now, and in all your requests rather overcarries it, as though
nothing must he denied your request.
" And for that part of his charge, that toncheth my particular,
though at your commandment he foUoweth your laws, yet found
I my wants such, as are far short from such an election as your
choice should make you, where both youth and beauty should
accompany each other; of which, though either fail, yet let not
Buch defects make diminution of my friendship's price, which I
trust to make of so true a value, that no touchstone shall try any
mixture in that compound, but such as fears not trial.
"To conclude : this bearer hath well satisfied my expectation, as
one that ought to make some amends for former wrongs, — 16
Qwhom] I have bequeathed the trust to lay open unto you my
griefs and injuries, which, through lewd advice, you have wrought ;
though, I trust, coming amends may easily blot out of my memo-
ry's books. This I bequeath to the safe keepiug of God : who give
some wisdom to sever a sincere advice from a fraudulent counsel,
and bless you from betraying snares, who takes the feet oft of the
bareP
"Your assured careful Sister and Cousin,
" Elizabeth R."
XI.
KiNMONT Willie. — Page 223.
Lord Scrope, on the morning after the enterprise, wrote both
to the Privy Council of England and to Lord Burghley, entreating
them to move the Queen to insist on the instant delivery of
Bucdeugh, to be punished for this proud attempt, as be deserved.
In his letter to the Privy Council, he thus describeB the enter-
prise : — ^
^ This letter is not dated, and is therefore placed at the end of the corre-
spondence ; but it appears to have been sent at the time when James was (as
Elizabeth thought) acting with inconsistent lenity to Huntly and the Catholics,
probably some time in September, 1593. See page 125.
* State Paper Office, Border Correspondence, Lord Scrope to the Council,
13th April, 1596.
4S6 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
^^ Yesternight, in the dead time thereof, Walter Scott of Har-
dinge,^ and Walter Scott of Goldylanda, the chief men about
Buclughe, accompanied with 500 horsemen of Buclughe and
Kinmont's friends, did come, armed and appointed with gavloeks
and crows of iron, hand-picks, axes, and ficaling-ladders, unto an
outward comer of the hase court of this CasUe, and to tJie postern-
door of the same ; which ihey undermined speedily and quickly,
and made themselves possessors of the base court, brake into the
chamber where Will of Kinmont was, carried him away ; and in
their disoovery by the watch, left for dead two of the watchmen ;
hurt a servant of mine, one of Kinmont's keepers ; and were i88ue<l
again out of the postern, before they were descried by the watch
of the inner ward, and ere resistance could be made.
^^ The watch, as it should seem, by reason of the stormy night,
were either on sleep, or gotten under some covert to defend them-
selves from the violence of the weather, by means whereof the
Scots achieved their enterprise with less difficulty. * *
If Buclughe himself have been thereat in person, the captain of
this proud attempt, as some of my servants tell me they heard his
name called upon, (the truth whereof I shall shortly advertise,)
then I humbly beseech, that her Majesty may be pleased to send
unto the King, to call for, and effectually to press his delivery,
that he may receive punishment as her Majesty shall find that the
quality of his offence shall demerit ; for it will be a dangerous ex-
ample to leave this high attempt unpunished. Assuring your
Lordships, that if her Majesty will give me leave, it shall cost me
both life and living, rather than such an indignity to her High-
ness, and contempt to myself, shall be tolerated. In revenge
whereof, I intend that something shall be shortly cnterprised
against the prmcipals in this action, for repair thereof, if I be not
countermanded by her Majesty."
^^ These names were taken by the informer at the mouth of one
that was in person at the enforcing of this Castle, the 13th April,
1596.
The Laird of Buclughe.
Walter Scot of Goldielands.
1 Walter Soott of Harden, who, under Buoclengli himself, seems to hare
been the principal leader in this daring and succeasful enterprise, was tlie
direct aoeestor of the present Lord Polwarth.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 437
Walter Scot of Hardinge.
Walter Soot of Branxholme.
Scot named Todrigge.
Will. Eilott, Goodman of Gorrombye.
John Eilott, called of the Copshawe.
The Laird of Mangerton.
The young Laird of Whithaagh, and his sonue.
Three of the Calfhills, Jocke, Bighams, and one Ally, a baataid.
Sandy Armstronge, sonne to Hebbye.
Kinmont's Jocke, Francie, Geordy, and Sandy, all brethren^ tho
flonnes of Kinmont.
Willie Bel], redcloake, and two of his brethren.
Walter Bell of Godeaby.
Three brethren of Twada Armstrong's.
Younge John of the HoUaoe, and one of his brethren.
Christy of Bameglish, and Roby of the Langholm.
TheChingles.?
Willie Kange, and his bretfarene, with their complices.
''The Informer sdth, that Buclughe was the fifth man which
entered the castle ; and encouraged his company with these words
— ' Stand to it ; for I have vowed to God and my Prince, that
I would fetch out of England, Kinmont, dead or quick ; and will
maintain that action when it is done, with fire and sword.' "
The date on the back, April 13, is in the hand-writing of
Lord Burghley.*
XIL
Elizabeth to James, April 1596. — Page 223.
*'I am to speak with what argument my letters should be
fraught, since such themes be given me, as I am loath to find,
and am slow to recite. Yet, since I needs must treat of Qhem,^
and unwillingly receive, I cannot pretermit to set afore you a too
rare example of a seduced King by evil information. Was it
ever seen, that a Prince from his cradle, preserved from the
slaughter, held up in royal dignity, conserved from many treasons,
1 MS. St. P. Office, April 13, 159G. Border Correspondence.
438 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
maiDtoincd in all sorts of kindness, shoald remanerate, with so
hard measure, such dear deserts, with doubt to yield in just treaties
response to a lawful friend s demand ? Ought it to be put to a
question, whether a King should do another his like the right ?
Or should a Council be demanded their good pleasure what he
himself should do ? Were it in the non-age of a Prince, it might
have some colour ; but in a Father-age, it seemeth strange, and,
I daresay, without example. I am sorry for the cause that con-
strains this speech, especially in so apert a matter, whose root
grows far, and is of that nature that it (I fear me) will more
harm the wronger than the wronged ; for how like regard soever
be held of me, yet I should grieve too much to see you neglect your^
self, whoso honour is touched in such degree, as that our EInglish,
whose regard, I doubt not, you have in some esteem, for other good
thoughts of you, will measure your love by your deeds, not your
words in your paper.
^'Wherefore, for fine, let this suffice you, that I am as evil
treated by my named Jriend as I could be by my known foe.
Shall any castle or habytacle of mine be assailed by a night
largin, and shall not my confederate send the offender to his due
pnnishment ? Shall a friend stick at that demand that he ought
rather to prevent ? The law of Kingly love would have said nay ;
and not for persuasion of such as never can or will stead you, but
dishonour you to keep their own rule, lay behind you such due
regard of me, and in it of yourself, who, as long as you use this
trade, will be thought not of yourself ought, but of conventions
what they will. For Commissioners, I will never grant for an
Act that he cannot deny that made ; for what so the cause be
made, no cause should have done that ; and when you with a
better-weighed judgment shall consider, I am assured my answer
shall be more honourable and just ; which I expect with more
gpeed, as well for you as for myself.
(< For other doubtful and litigious causes in our Border, I will
be ready to point Commissioners, if I shall find you needfol;
but for this matter of so villanous a usage, assure you I will never
be so answered, as hearers shall need. In this, and many other
matters, I require your trust to our Amba&sador, which faithfully
will return them to me. Praying God for your safe keeping,
^' Your faithful and loving sister,
PROOFS AKD ILLUSTRATIONS. 489
Indorsed, Gopie of Her Maj. Letter to the King of Scots,
of her own hand,
XIII.
After Kinmont Will's Rescue and Deliverance by
BuccLEUQH, 1596.--Page 226-227.
Elizabeth to James.
^^ Mt dear Brother, — ^That I see a King more considerate of
what becometh him in the behalf of his like, than Councillors,
that never being of such like estate, can hardlier judge what
were fittest done, I marvel no more than I am glad to find your-
self as greatest, so worthier of judgment, than such as, if they
were as they ought, you need not have had the gloiy of so honour-
able a fact alone. But you have made me see that you can prize
what were meetest, and deem how short of that they showed, who
have displayed their neglect, in leaving you destitute of good ad-
vice, by their bockwardness in that was their duty. And I hope
it will make you look with a broad sight on such advisers, and
will warn you by this example not to concur with such de-
ceitful counsel, but will cause you either to mind their custom,
or to get you such as be better minded, than to hazard you the
loss of your most affectionate, in following their unseemly ad-
vice.
*^ For the punishment given to the offender, I render you many
thanks ; though I must confess, that without he be rendered to
ourself, or to our Warden, we have not that we ought. And,
therefore, I beseech you consider the greatness of my dishonour,
and measure his just delivery accordingly. Deal in this case like
a King, that will have all this Realm and others adjoining see
how justly and kindly you both will and can use a Prince of
my quality ; and let not any dare persuade more for him than
you shall think fit, whom it becomes to be echoes to your ac«
tions, no judgers of what beseems you.
^^ For Border matters, they are so shameful and inhuman as it
would loathe a King's heart to think of them. I have borne for
your quiet, too long, even murders committed by the hands of
your own Wardens ; which if they be true, as I fear they be, I
440 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
hope they shall well pay for such demerits, and you will never
endure such haibarous acts to be unrevenged.
^' I will not molest you with other puticularities ; but will aflsare
myself that you will not easily be persuaded to overslip sBch
enormities, and will give both &vonrable ear to our Ambasaador,
and 'speedy redress, with due oorreotion £»r such demeanour.
Never think them meet to rule, that guides without rule.
" Of me make this account, that in your world shall never be
found a more sincere affection, nor purer from guile, nor fuller
fraught with truer sincerity, than mine ; which will not harbour
in my breast a wicked conceit of you, without sudi gml caose
were given, as you yourself could hardly deny of which we
may speed, I hope, ad caUndoi grmeat,
^^ I render millions of thanks for such advertisements as this
Bearer brought from you ; and see by that, you both weigh me and
yourself in a right balance : for who seeks to supplant one, looks
next for the other. This paper I end with my prayers for your
safety, as desireth
" Your most affectionate Sister,
Boyal Letters, St* Paper Ofiice. Indorsed, Copie of her
Mat"- Lre to the K. of Scotts, of hir own hand, for Mr
Bowes.
XIV.
Elizabeth to James, Ist July, 1598. — Page 279.
On the Subject of Valentine Thomas.
"My dear Brother, — Suppose not that my sileace hath had
any other root, than hating to make an argument of mj writdng
to you, that should molest you, or trouble me ; being most deaiious
that no mention might once be made of so villanous an act, ^-
cially that might but in word touch a sacred person ; but now I
see that so lavishly it hath been used by the author thereof, tliat
I can refrain no longer to make you partaker thereof sincerely,
from the beginning to this hour, of all that hath proceeded ;
and for more speed have sent charge with Bowes:, to utter all,
without fraud or guile; assuring you that few things have dia>
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 441
pleased me more since our first amities ; and charge you in Qod's
name to belieye, that I am not of so viperous a nature, to suppose
or have thereof a thought against you, hut shall make the deviser
have his desert, more for that than ought else ; referring mjrself
to the true trust of this Gent : to whom I beseech you give full
afliance in all he shall assure you on ray behalf. And so God I
beseech to prosper you with all his graces, as doth desire,
^^ Your most affectionate Sister,
«E. R."
Royal Letters, St Paper Office. Indorsed, 1598. Proo*
July. Coppie of her Ma^. L?e to the Kinge of Scots,
w' her owne hande, conceminge Val. Thomas.
XV.
The following letter was sent by the Earl of Mar, and the Abbot
of Kinloss.
James to Elizabeth, 10th February, 1601.— Page 374.
"Madam and dearest Stster,-^As the strait bonds of our so-
long-continued amity do oblige me, so, your daily example used
towards me in the like case, does invite me, not to suffer any mis-
construed thoughts against any of your actions to take harbour in
my heart ; but by laying open all my griefs before you, to seek
from yourself the right remedy and cure for the same.
** And since that I have oft found by experience, that evil-affected
or unfit instruments employed betwixt us, have often times been the
cause of great misunderstanding amongst us, I have therefore, at this
time, made choice of sending unto you this nobleman, the Earl of
Mar, in respect of his known honesty and constant affection to the
continuance of our amity ; together with his colleague the Abbot of
Kinloss (a gentleman whose uprightness and honesty is well known
unto you ;) that by the labours of such honest and well-affected
Ministers, all scruples or griefs may on either side be removed, and
our constant amity more and more be confirmed and made sound,
*^ Assuring myself, that my ever honest behaviour towards you
shall at least procure that justice at your hands, to try or' ye trust
any unjust imputations spread of me, and not to wrong yourself iu
* Or; ere.
442 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND.
wronging your best friend ; bat in respect of the faitbfakiess of
the bearers, I will remit all particulars to their relation ; who, aa
they are directed to deal with you in all honest plainness, (the un-
disseverable companion of true friendship,) so do I heartily pray
you to hear and trust them in all things as it were myself, and to
give them a favourable ear and answer, as shall ever be deserved
at your hands by
^' Your most loving and affectionate Brother and Cousin,
"James R.I
« From Holyrood House, the 10th February, 1601.'
XVI.
The following letter from the English Queen, is an answer to
James' letter to Elizabeth, sent by his Ambassadors the Earl of
Mar and the Abbot of Kinloss. — See this volume, p. 374.
Elizabeth to James, May 1601. — Page 381.
" My good Brother, — ^At the first reading of your letter, albeit
I wondered much what springs your griefs might have of many
of my actions, who knows myself most clear of any just cause to
breed you any annoy ; yet I was well lightened of my marvel
when you dealt so kindly with me not to let them harbour iii
your breast, but were content to send me so well a chosen couple,
that might utter and receive what you mean, and what I should
relate.
" And when my greedy will to know, did stir me at first access
to require an ease with speed of such matters, I found by them
that the principal causes, were the self same in part, that the
Lord of Kinloss had, two years past and more, imparted to me : to
whom and to other your ministers I am sure I have given so good
satisfaction in honour and reason, as, if your other greater matters
have not made them forgotten, you yourself will not deny them.
** But not willing in my letter to molest yon with that which they
will not fail but tell you, (as I hope,) together with such true and
guileless profession of my sincere affection to you, as you shall
never have just reason to doubt my clearness in your behalf; yet
this I must tell you — that as I marvel much to have such a sub-
» Wholly in James' hand. Pvoyal Letters, St. P. Off., sealed with the
King's Bignet-ring.
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 443
jeot that would impart so great a cause to you, afore ever making
lue privy thereof^ so doth my affectionate amity to you, claim at
your hands that my ignorance of subjects* boldness be not aug-
mented by your silence; by whom you may be sure you shall never
obtain so much good, as my good dealing can afford you.
''Let not shades deceive you, which may take away best substance
from you, when they can turn but to dust or smoke. An upright
demeanour bears ever more poise than all disguised shows of good
can do. Remember that a bird of the air, if no other instrument,
to an honest king, shall stand in stead of many feigned practices,
to ntter aught may any wise touch him. And so leaving my
scribbles, with my best wishes that you scan what works beconieth
best a king, and what in end will best avail him.
'' Your most loving Sister that longs to see yon deal as kindly as
I mean.
"Elizabeth R."
Royal Letters, State Paper Office, Indorsed, Copie of her
Maty* Letter to the King of Scots, written with her
own hand.
XVIL
The following letter was entirely written in the Queen's own
hand, and sent to the King by the Duke of Lennox.
Elizabeth to James, 2d December, 1601.— Page 385.
"My dear Brother, — Never was there yet Prince nor meaner
wight, to whose grateful turns I did not correspond, in keeping
them in memory, to their avail and my own honour ; so trust I,
that you will not doubt but that your last letters by Fowles and
the Duke are so acceptably taken, as my thanks can not be lack-
ing for the same, but yields them you in thankful sort. And
albeit I suppose I shall not need to trouble any of your subjects
in my service, yet, according to your request, I shall use the liberty
of your noble offer, if it shall be requisite.
" And whereas your faithful and dear Duke hath at large
discoursed with me, as of his o^-n knowledge, what faithful
affection you bear me, and hath added the leave he hath received
from you, to proffer himself for the performer of my service
444 HISTORY OP SCOTLAND.
in Ireland, with any such as best may pleasa me under his
charge ; I think m jself greatly indebted to yon for your so
tender oare of my prosperity ; and have told him that I would
be loath to venture his person in so perilous service, since I see
he is such one that you make so great a reckoning of, but that
some of meaner quality, of whom there were less loss, might in that
case be ventured.
'' And sure, dear brother, in my judgment, for the short
acquaintance that I have had with him, you do not priae
with better cause any near unto you: for I protest without
feigning or doubling, I never gave ears to greater laud, than
such as I Lave heard him pronounce of you, with humble de-
sire that I would banish from my mind any evil opinion or
doubt of your sincerity to me. And because though I know it
was but duty, yet where such show appears in mindful place, I
hold it worthy regard ; and am not so wicked to conceal it from
you, that you may thank your self for such a choice. And thus
much shall suffice for fear to molest your eyes with my scribbling :
committing you to the enjoying of best thoughts, and good con-
sideration of your careful friend, which I suppose to be,
" Yo', most aif. Sister,
" Elizabeth R."
Royal Letters, State Paper Office. Indorsed, 2d December,
1601. Cop. of her Mata. I ?e to the King of Scot, by
the Duke of Lennox.
XVIII.
Elizabeth to James, 4th July, 1002.— Page 397.
" My good Brother, — ^Who longest draws the thread of life,
and views the strange accidents tliat time makes, doth not find
out a rarer gift than thankfulness is, that is most precious and
seldomest found ; which makes me well gladded, that you methinks
begin to feel how necessary a treasure this is, to be employed
where best it is deserved ; as may appear in those lines that your
last letters express, in which your thanks be great, for the sundry
cares, that of your state and honour, my dear friendship hath
afforded you ; being ever ready to give you ever such subjects
PROOFS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 445
for your writing, and think myBelf happy when either my warn-
ings or counsel may in fittest time avail you.
^ Whereas it hath pleased you to impart the offer that the French
King hath made you, with a desire of secrecy : heliere, that request
includes a trust that never shall deceive: for though many exceed me
in many things, yet I darei profess that I can ever keep taciturnity
for my self and my friends. My head may fail^ hut my tongue shall
never ; as I will not say but yourself can in yourself, though not to
me, witness. But of that no more : preterierunt illi dies,
^' Now to the French : in plain dealing, without fraud or guile, if
he will do as he pretends, you shall be more beholding to him than
lie is to himself, who within one year hath winked at such injuries
and affronts, as, ere I would have endured that am of the weakest
sex, I should condemn my judgment : I will not enter into his.
And, therefore, if his rerba come adactumem^ I more shall wonder
than do suspect ; but if you will needs have my single advice,
try him if he continue in that mind. And as I know that
yon would none of such a League, as myself should not be one, so
do I see, by his overture, that himself doth : or if for my assis-
tance, yon should have need of all help, he would give it ; sd as
since be hath so good consideration of me, you will allow him
therein, and doubt nothing but that he will have me willingly for
company ; for as I may not forget how their league with Scot-
land was recipreke when we had wars with them, so is it good
reason that our friendships should be mutual.
" Now, to confess my kind takingof all your lovingoffers, and vows
of most assured oaths, that naught shall be concealed from me, that
either Prince or subject shall, to your knowledge, work against me
or my Estate ; surely, dear brother, you right me much if so you do.
And this I vow, that without you list, I will not willingly call you
in question for such warnings, if the greatness of the cause may not
compel me thereunto. And do entreat yon to think, that if any
accident so befall you, as either secrecy or speed shall be neces-
sary, suppose yourself to be sure of such a one as shall neglect
neither, to perform so good a work. Let others promise, and I
will do as much, with truth as others with wiles. And thus I
leave to molest your eyes with my scribbling ; with my perpetual
prayers for your good estate, as desireth your most
*^ Loving and affectionate Sister.
^' Elizabeth R.
446 HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
^^ As for your good consideratioos of Border causes, I answer
them by my agent, and infinitely thank you therefor."
Royal Letters, State Pai)er Office. Indorsed, 4th Jnlj,
1602. Copie of her Ma««- Lfe to the King of ScotU,
sent by Mr Roger Ashton.
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